R 


MAS 
NEGATIVE 

92-80744-4 


MICROFILMED  1993 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES/NEW  YORK 


as  part  of  the 
"Foundations  of  Western  Civilization  Preservation  Project" 


Funded  by  the 
NATIONAL  ENDOWMENT  FOR  THE  HUMANITIES 


Reproductions  may  not  be  made  without  permission  from 

Columbia  University  Library 


COPYRIGHT  STATEMENT 


The  copyright  law  of  the  United  States  -  Title  17,  United 
States  Code  -  concerns  the  making  of  photocopies  or 
other  reproductions  of  copyrighted  material. 

Under  certain  conditions  specified  in  the  law,  libraries  and 
archives  are  authorized  to  furnish  a  photocopy  or  other 
reproduction.  One  of  these  specified  conditions  is  that  the 
photocopy  or  other  reproduction  is  not  to  be  *'used  for  any 
purpose  other  than  private  study,  scholarship,  or 
research.*'  If  a  user  makes  a  request  for,  or  later  uses,  a 
photocopy  or  reproduction  for  purposes  in  excess  of  '*fair 
use,"  that  user  may  be  liable  for  copyright  infringement. 

This  institution  reserves  the  right  to  refuse  to  accept  a 
copy  order  if,  in  its  judgement,  fulfillment  of  the  order 
would  involve  violation  of  the  copyright  law. 


AUTHOR: 


ROGERS,  JAMES 
EDWIN  THOROLD 


TITLE: 


THE  STORY  OF 
HOLLAND  .   .   . 


PLACE: 


NEW  YORK 


DATE: 


1900 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 


Master  Negative  # 


BIDLIOGRAPHIC  MICROFORM  TARGET 


Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


'— iP*r 


|949.2 


Rogers,   Jamos  E^dwin^  Thorold,    1823-1890. 
.•.Holland.     New  York,   Putnam,    1900. 
xxiii,   388  p.   incl.   illus.    (incl.   ports.) 
fold.   map.        20  cm.      (The   story  of  the  nations) 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


'■'J'3-i 


U 


^ 


TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 


REDUCTION     RATIO:__//^ 


FILM     SIZE:_3_C 

IMAGE  PLACEMENT:    lA   JIA     IB     IIB 

DATE     FILMED: -  ;  i_^a3    INITIALS . 

HLMEDBY:    RESEARCH  PUBLICATIONS.  INC  WOODDRIDGE.Lr 


ny 


r 

Association  for  information  and  Image  IManagement 

1 1 00  Wayne  Avenue,  Suite  1 1 00 
Silver  Spring.  Maryland  20910 

301/587-8202 


Centimeter 


im 


11 


iiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii 


4         5         6         7         8         9        10       11        12       13       14       15    mm 

IiiiiIimJiiiiIiiiiIiimIiiiiIiimImiiIiiiiIimiIiimIiiiiIiiiiIiiiiIiiiiIiiiiIiimIiu 


1^ 


rTT 


Inches 


I  II  I  I  I  I  I 
3 


0 


I.I 


1.25 


I  I  I 


2.5 

2.2 

It 

2.0 

1.8 

1.4 

1.6 

TTT 


1 


MflNUFfiCTURED   TO   flllM   STflNDORDS 
BY   APPLIED   IMAGE.     INC. 


%\ 


O 


ru 


# 


^ 


\j 


9) 


"^*>  v"        'T"*",'  "'"i 


i^'r\^^^''---  ■"°'-<*i-  -'''^!-^.." 


I'  ^03m^^^■^^-'i^_ 


[r. 


r 


^'-rv'^rti 


\i 


[34-3.Z 


■RQ>3 


©oluiulitrt  ICittxtcveitu 
in  the  (CiUj  of  |li»w  IJovh 

library 


•  • 

•  ; 

•! 

'! 

W. 

'•'  ] 

i; 

I; 
llj' 

I."  ill 


lii  •  •'"* 

f 

\ 

'=-'T'V'        "■    " 

\ 

m-j- 


\ 


K 


tr  ■ 


\-^^ 


■A'> 


J'As-^ 


STAIRCASE   WHERE   Of-RARD    ASSASSINATED   WTM.IAM     lllE    SILENT. 

l^*l/t,J»iy  »2,   1584.     (6Vf/.   119.) 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


HOLLAND 


BY 


JAMES  E.  THOROLD   ROGERS 

PROFESSOR   OF    I'OIJTICAL   ECONOMY   IN   THE    UNIVERSITY   OF   OXFORD    AND    OF 

ECONl»MIC  SCIENCE   AND  STATISTICS,  KING's  COLLEGE,  LONDON  ;  AUTHOR 

OF  '*SIX   CENTURIES   OF   WORK   AND   WAGES,"  "a    HISTORY  OF 

AGRICULTURE  AND   PRICES  IN   ENGLAND,"  ETC, 


NEW  YORK 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

LONLXJN:  T.  FISHER  UN  WIN 
1900 


Il 


I 


\ 


r 


Copyright 
By  G.  p.  Putnam's  Sons 

i88S 

Entered  at  Stationers^  Ilally  London 

By  T.  Fisher  Unvvin 


I 


' 


Press  of 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York 


PREFACE. 


The  ston^  which  is  contained  in  the  following  pages 
is,  of  necessity,  brief,  for  I  cannot  go  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  series,  l^ut  it  need  not  be  given  in  great  detail. 
It  is  possible  by  a  short  narrative  to  recount  the  prin- 
cipal facts  in  the  greatest  and  most  important  of  all 
European  wars,  that  in  which  the  seven  provinces 
of  Holland  secured  their  independence  against  the 
monarch  who  was  supposed  to  possess  the  mightiest 
powers  of  the  age.  Holland  was  won  by  its  people 
acre  by  acre,  field  by  field,  against  the  best  European 
troops  of  the  time,  the  most  practised  generals,  and 
what  seemed  to  be  boundless  resources.  The  details 
of  the  struggle  are  dry  and  tedious.  The  interest  in 
the  story  lies  in  the  spirit  and  resolution  of  the  Hol- 
landers, in  the  tenacity  with  which  they  clung  to  their 
purposes,  in  the  entire  success  which  attended  their 
efforts,  and  the  great  results  which  followed  from  the 
victory  which  they  won,  after  a  war  of  unparalleled 
duration.  The  Spanish  king,  their  foe,  represented 
the    two    principles    of  sixteenth-century   despotism, 


33^968 


Vlll 


PREFACE. 


entire  authority  over  the  h'ves  and  fortunes  of  his 
subjects,  entire  authority  over  their  consciences.  The 
Hollanders  resisted  him,  defeated  him,  and  gave  the 
first  precedent  for  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

Their  success  was  the  stimulant  to  similar  efforts  in 
other  countries.  These  efforts  were  not  always  suc- 
cessful ;  sometimes,  indeed,  they  were  defeated,  and 
governments  were  apparently  all  the  stronger  by  reason 
of  the  failure  in  the  attempt  to  control  them.  But 
the  example  of  the  Dutch  was  never  forgotten,  and 
the  prosperity  of  free  Holland  was  always  a  stimulant 
to  those  other  races  which  struggled  for  freedom. 
The  Huguenots  attempted  to  follow  their  example, 
and^failed.  The  Protestant  states  of  Northern  and 
Central  Germany  strove  to  free  themselves,  quarrelled 
among  each  other,  and  after  thirty  years  of  desperate 
and  sanguinary  warfare,  the  battle  was  drawn. 
England  grappled  with  the  despotism  of  the  Stewarts, 
put  it  down  for  a  time,  suffered  from  the  effects  of  a 
shameful  reaction,  and  finally  established  constitu- 
tional monarchy,  L(\,  an  aristocratic  republic,  disguised 
by  the  fiction  of  a  powerless  sovereign. 

The  precedent  of  the  Dutch  revolt  was  before  the 
minds  of  those  who  drew  up  the  Declaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence.  I  cannot  say  that  the  Colonies 
would  not  have  resisted  the  Ikitish  Parliament  after 
the  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  even  if  there  had  been 
no  history  of  Holland.  But  precedents  are  of  the 
highest  value  in  political  action,  especially  if  the  pre- 
cedent is  one  of  signal  success.  In  absolute  ignorance 
of  what  the  result  would  be,  the  French  Government, 
which  was  utterly  corrupt,  selfish,  cruel,  and   tyran- 


PREFACE. 


IX 


I 

I 

I 

I 


nical,  intervened  on  behalf  of  American  freedom,  and 
materially  aided  the  struggle  for  independence.  The 
inevitable  issue  of  this  intervention  was  the  French 
Revolution.  The  final  overthrow  of  the  French 
lunpire,  after  it  had  fought  for  eighteen  years  single- 
handed  against  luirope  was  of  course  followed  by 
reaction.  But  slowly,  very  slowly,  European  races 
have  within  the  present  generation  won  back  some 
liberties  from  the  dynasties  and  their  tools,  and  will 
in  the  end,  if  they  are  wise,  win  much  more  from 
them.  The  form  which  their  best  efforts  take  is  that 
of  nationality,  an  impulse  which  may  be  misdirected 
by  intriguing  politicians,  but  is  gradually  being 
educated  into  definite  aims.  ,^ 

I  hold  it  that  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands  and 
the  success  of  Holland  is  the  beginning  of  modern 
political  science  and  of  modern  civilization.  It  utterly 
repudiated  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  the  divine 
authority  of  an  Italian  priest,  the  two  most  inveterate 
enemies  which  human  progress  has  had  to  do  battle 
with.  At  present,  the  king  in  civilized  communities  is 
the  servant  of  the  state,  whose  presence  and  influence  is 
believed  to  be  useful.  The  priest  can  only  enjoy  an 
authority  which  is  voluntarily  conceded  to  him,  but 
has  no  authority  over  those  who  decline  to  recognize 
him.  These  two  principles  of  civil  government  the 
Dutch  were  the  first  to  affirm.  They  deposed  Philip 
and  put  the  head  of  the  house  of  Orange  in  his  place, 
but  only  as  the  highest  servant  of  a  free  Republic. 
They  refused  all  concessions  to  the  court  of  Rome, 
and,  very  soon  after  their  independence  was  secured, 
accepted  the  principle  of  religious  equality.     Holland 


I 


PREFACE. 


PREFACE, 


XI 


was  the  solitary  European  state  for  a  long  time,  in 
which  a  man's  reHgious  opinions  were  no  bar  to  his 
exercise  of  all  civil  rights.  At  the  present  time,  most 
civilized  communities  have  followed  this  excellent 
example. 

The  student  of  history  is  bidden  to  take  notice  of 
the  heroic  resistance  which  Athens  first,  and  much  of 
Southern  Greece  afterwards  made  to  the  Persian  king 
twenty-three  centuries  ago.  The  resistance  which 
Holland  made  to  the  Spanish  king  was  infinitely  more 
heroic,  far  more  desperate,  much  more  successful,  and 
infinitely  more  significant,  because  it  was  a  war  in 
which  the  highest  principles  were  vindicated, and  vindi- 
cated irreversibly.  In  those  principles,  secured  by  the 
efforts  of  a  small  and,  at  first  sight,  of  a  feeble  people, 
lies  the  very  life  of  modern  liberty.  The  debt  which 
rational  and  just  government  owes  to  the  seven 
provinces  is  incalculable.  To  the  true  lover  of  liberty, 
Holland  is  the  Holy  Land  of  modern  Europe,  and 
should  be  held  sacred. 

But  the  debt  of  modern  Europe  to  Holland  is  by 
no  means  limited  to  the  lessons  which  it  taught  as  to 
the  true  purposes  of  civil  government.  It  taught 
Europe  nearly  everything  else.  It  instructed  com- 
munities in  progressive  and  rational  agriculture.  It 
was  the  pioneer  in  navigation  and  in  discovery  ;  and, 
according  to  the  lights  of  the  age,  was  the  founder  of 
intelligent  commerce.  It  produced  the  greatest  jurists 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  It  was  pre-eminent  in 
the  arts  of  peace.  The  presses  of  Holland  put  forth 
more  books  than  all  the  rest  of  Europe  did.  It  had 
the  most  learned  scholars.     The  languages  of  the  East 


I 
I 


I 


were  first  given  to  the  world  by  Dutchmen.  It  was 
foremost  in  physical  research,  in  rational  medicine. 
It  instructed  statesmen  in  finance,  traders  in  banking 
and  credit,  philosophers  in  the  speculative  sciences, 
r'or  a  long  time  that  little  storm-vexed  nook  of 
North-western  Europe  was  the  university  of  the 
civilized  world,  the  centre  of  European  trade,  the 
admiration,  the  envy,  the  example  of  nations. 

Holland,  it  is  true,  committed  political  and  com- 
mercial errors,  which  it  dearly  expiated,  of  which  a 
malignant  use  was  made  by  states  and  statesmen  who 
committed  ten  times  as  many  crimes.  But  the  annals 
of  Holland  are  singularly  free  from  deliberate  wrong- 
doing. Its  worst  acts  were  defensive,  into  which  it 
was  led  by  intriguers,  such  as  the  judicial  murder  of 
Olden  Barneveldt,  the  foolish  advocacy  of  the  exiled 
Stewarts,  the  shameful  murder  of  the  De  Witts.  But 
in  these  doings  it  was  the  accomplice  of  the  house  of 
Orange,  which  after  great  services  led  it  into  disgrace, 
and  finally  into  ruin.  It  was  an  evil  day  for  Holland, 
when  this  degenerate  family  began  to  marry  into 
the  houses  of  Stewart  and  Hanover,  of  Prussia  and 
Russia. 

I  would  have  gladly  brought  the  story  to  a  close 
with  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapellc,  after  which,  by  no 
fault  of  its  own,  I  lolland  became  of  little  account  in  the 
councils  of  Europe,  and  was  finally  overrun  by  Erance. 
But  the  facts  had  to  be  told,  and  they  are  a  striking 
lesson.  In  the  shameful  humiliation  of  Holland,  Great 
Britain,  to  its  dishonour,  took  the  most  active  part. 
P>om  the  days  of  Selden  down  to  the  days  of  Can- 
ning, it  was  the  policy  of  British  statesmen  to  pander 


Xll 


PREFACE, 


to  the  most  sordid  instincts  of  Ikitish  traders,  and  to 
truckle  to  the  designs  of  the  houses  of  Stewart  and 
Hanover  against  the  independence  of  the  gallant 
Republic.  From  their  own  point  of  view,  that  of 
securing  allies  on  the  European  continent,  the  policy 
was  entirely  unwise ;  from  the  point  of  view  of  inter- 
,  national  morality,  it  was  supremely  dishonest. 

My  principal  authorities  are  Davies,  Motley,  and 
especially  Wagenaar.  The  annals  of  the  Dutch  nation 
are  exceedingly  copious  and  accurate.  I  wish  indeed 
that  we  knew  more  in  detail  about  the  particulars  of 
the  great  manufacturing  towns  of  Manders  before  the 
revolt  of  the  Netherlands,  of  the  great  trading  towns 
of  the  seven  provinces  during  and  after  the  War  of 
Independence.  The  publication  of  such  records  would 
be  of  great  interest  to  those  who  study  the  stirring 
history  of  the  Republic,  and  follow  out  the  process  by 
which  such  important  results  ensued  from  what  seemed 
to  be  such  inadequate  means. 


CONTENTS. 


Early  Days 


PACE 
III 


Balavia,  3 — Policy  of  Charles  the  (neat,  7 — The  Church  in 
the  Netherlands,  9— The  Hooks  and  Kaheljauws,  11. 


11. 

The  Rise  of  the  Chartered  Towns 


12-21 


Beneficial  results  of  the  Crusades,  13 — Institution  of  guilds, 
15 — League  of  the  Hanse  towns,  17 — English  wool  for 
Flemish  looms,  19 — The  church  not  one  of  the  estates,  21. 


-5^^ 


I 


III. 

The  House  of  Burgundy        ....       22-31 

Its  origin,  23 — The  lil)erties  enjoyed  by  the  Netherlands,  25 — 
Importance  of  the  fisheries  to  Holland,  27 — Philip  declares 
war  against  England,  29 — Insurrection  of  the  Flemish  towns, 

31- 


IV. 


Charles  the  Headstrong 


32-39 


Charles  aims  at  the  sovereignty,  33 — Rivalry  of  the  Flemish 
towns,  35 — Rebellion  and  punishment  of  Liege,  37 — Charles 
dies  in  battle  against  the  Swiss,  39. 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


V. 


PAGE 


Mary  of  Burgundy 


40-45 


The  "Great  Privilei^e  "  jrranted  to  Holland,  41 — Maximilian 
the  paujier,  43— The  Spanish  ily nasty,  45. 


VI. 

Charles,  Count  of  Flanders  and  Emperor.       47-55 

Destruction  of  the  Egyptian  tratle,  49 — Power  of  the  I'ope  in 
Europe,  51 — Calvinists  dii.avow  "divine  rights,"  53 — Insur- 
rection and  chastisement  of  Ghent,  55. 


VII. 

The  Accession  of  Philip  of  Spain 


56-65 


The  Prince  of  Orange,  59 — Charles's  reign  one  long  crime, 
61 — Philip  means  to  respect  Hutch  lilterties,  63— Scene  be- 
tween William  and  Philip,  65. 


VIII. 


Margaret  of  Parma 


66-72 


The   family   of  Nassau,    67 — The   Netherlanders    appeal    to 
their  charters,  69 — Abolition  of  the  Inquisition,  71. 


IX. 


Alva 


73-82 


The  Blood  Council,  75 — Alva   lays   waste  the  Netherlands, 
77. 


X. 

Requesens,  the  Grand  Commander 


83-90 


The  University  ofLeydc«,    87 — The  possible  allies  of  Hol- 
land, 89. 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


XI. 


I'AGE 


Don  John  of  Austria 


9T-99 

Don  John's  early  career,  93— The  purposes  of  John,  95— 
Orange  sus|)ects  John,  97  — Death  of  John,  99. 


XII. 


Alexander  of  Parma 


.  T00-108 


Parma's  character,  loi— The  Union  of  Utrecht,    103— Philip 
renounced,  107. 

XIII. 

The  Last  Years  of  William  the  Silent       .  T09-119 

Anjou,    III— Attempt   on    William's    life,    113-Anjou    and 
Antwer]),  115— Murder  of  William,  119. 


XIV. 


The  Projects  of  Philip 


.  120-128 


Aims  of  the  Spanish  king,  121— Claims  England,  France, 
Cermany,  123— Resources  of  Philip,  125— Bribes  in  all 
quarters,  127. 

XV. 
Henry  the  Third  and  Eltzapfth.        .        .  129-137 

Negotiations  with  Henry,  1 31 —Importance  of  the  Nether- 
lands, 133— Elizabeth  and  Leicester,  135— Holland  wins  its 
own  freedom,  137. 


XVI. 
Antwerp  and  the  Armada      ....  138-150 

The  importance  of  Antwerp,  139— The  bridge  and  the  siege, 
141— Drake's  expeditions,  145 — The  Armada  sails,  147 — 
Results  of  the  defeat,  149. 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XVll 


XVII. 

The  Last  Years  of  Parma 


PAGE 


»5J-»59 


Parma   in   France,   153— Parma  distrusted  by  riiilip,    157 — 
Philip's  falsehoods,  159. 


xvni. 

After  the  Death  of  I'arma  . 


.  160-167 


Maurice  gains    reputation,    161  -Capture    of    Cadiz,    163 — 
Philip  gives  away  the  Netherlands,  165— Philip's  death,  167. 


XIX. 


Dutch  Entkrprise  . 


.  168  176 


Linschoten's  maps,  171 — Expedititmto  the  Polar  Sea,    173 
Wintering  at  Nova  Zeml)a,  175. 


XX. 


The  Dutch  Indies  . 


.  177-184 


The  East  India  Company,   179— Batavia,   181— Negotiations 
for  peace,  183. 


XXI. 
The  Archdukes  and  ihe  War 


.  185   198 


Bankniptcy  of  Spain,  187— England  at  this  time  jwor,  189— 
Mutinies;  Nieuwpoort,  193— Ostend,  195— Spinola  appears, 
197. 

XXII. 

The  Universal  East  India  Company     .         .  199-205 

Objects  of  the  company,  201— Heemskerk  at  Gibraltar,  203 — 
The  danger  of  monopoly,  205. 


XXIII. 


PAGE 


The  Truce 


.  206-214 


France  and  the  Netherlands,  207— Conditions  of  Spain,  209 — 
Holland  will  not  endure  dictation,  211— Reasonings  of  the 
Hollanders,  213. 

XXIV. 

The  Bank  of  Amsterdam         ....  215-224 

Agriculture,  217— Learning  in  Holland,  22 1— Government  of 
the  Hank,  223. 

XXV. 

Religious  Dissensions,  and  the   Murder  of 

Harneveldt        225-237 

Religious  dissensions,  227— Armiiiius  and  (lomarus,  231 — 
Calvinism,  233— Trial  and  execution  of  Barneveldt,  235— 
Grolius,  237. 

XXVI. 

The  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  the  Renewal 

of  Hostilities 238-248 

Beginning  of  the  war,  239— Frederic  Henry  Stadtholder,  241 
—Growth  of  Dutch  trade,  243— The  tulip  mania,  245— The 
English  Royal  family,  247. 

XXVII. 
Collisions  between  England  and  Holland     249-259 

Holland  favours  the  Stewarts,  251— War  with  Cromwell,  253— 
Ingratitude  of  Charles  II.,  255— William  the  orphan,  257 — 
Charles  makes  claims  on  the  Dutch,  259. 

XXVIII. 

The  Administration  of  John  de  W^itt  .  260-270 

The  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees,  263— First  war  with  Charles,  26$ 
—The  Triple  Alliance,  267— The  war  of  1672,  269. 


i 


XVIU 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


PAGE 


PAGE 


XXIX. 

To  THE  Peace  of  Nimeguen    ....  271-282 

Training  of  William,  273— William  i)elovc(l  l>y  the  Dutch, 
275— William  at  the  head  of  affairs,  277— Death  of  De 
Ruyter,  279— Marriaije  of  William  and  Mary,  281. 

XXX. 

From  the  Peace  of  Nimeguen  to  the  English 

Revolution 283-292 

The  policy  of  Louis,  285— Expulsion  of  the  Huguenots,  287— 
Louis  offends  every  one,  289— The  expedition  to  England, 
291. 

xxxr. 
The  Kngltsh  Rfvotthion        ....  293-302 

Holland  takes  part  in  it,  295— Landing  at  Torbay,  297— 
William  in  England,  299— William  distrusts  the  English,  301. 

xxxn. 

The  War  of  1689  to  the  Peace  of  Rvswick 

'^97 303  313 

The  allies,  305— William  no  great  general,  307— The  battle 
of  La  Hogue,  309— The  famine,  311— Peace  of  Kyswick,  313. 

XXXHL 

From  the  Peace  of  Rvswick  to  the  Treatv 

OF  Utrecht 3^4  335 

The  Dutch  afraid  «.f  Louis,  315— Character  of  Louis,  317  - 
Perfidy  of  Louis,  319 Opinion  at  the  time,  321— L(»uis 
strives  for  Dutch  neutrality,  323  —  MarlJMirough,  325  — 
Churchill's  purjxises,  327— Battle  of  Blenheim,  329 -The 
war  in  Spain,  331— Conclusion  of  the  war,  ^^^ — The  treaty 
of  Utrecht,  335. 


XXXIV. 


The  Internal  Troubles  of  the  Republic    .  336-350 

Debts  of  Holland,  337— The  constitution,  339— Amsterdam, 

341— The  Ostend  HJompany,  343— The  great  Imbbles,  345— 

^  Holland  a  refuge,  347— Marriage  with  the  house  of  Hanover, 

349- 


XXXV. 


Down  Hill 


351-359 


The  boundaries  of  European  states,  353— The  Pragmatic 
Sanction,  355— William  IV.  Stadlholder,  357  -The  Republic 
at  an  end,  359. 

XXXVL 

Holland     to     the    time     of     the    Armed 

Neutrality 360-366 

Anne  the  Governess,  361— The  growth  of  British  commerce, 
363— The  war  of  American  independence,  365. 


XXXVH. 

From  the  War  of  1781  to  the  Creation  of 

Monarchy 367-373 

The    Patriot    party,    369— Civil    war,     371— Occupation    by 
France,  373. 

XXXVHL 
Conclusion 374-3^0 

International  services  of  Holland,  377— Achievements  in  all 
learning,  379. 


Index 


3S1 


I 


li 


LIST   OF   ILUSTRATIONS. 


STAIRCASE    WHF.RE     GERARD     ASSASSINATED 

THE  SILENT 
DUTCH    WINDMILL     . 

THE  ZUVDER   ZEE       . 

FRISIAN    GIRL     . 

GATEWAY   OF   DELKF 

THE   CANAL,   UTRIXHT 

WINDMILL,    HFLDLR 

CHURCH    OF   ST.    NICHOLAS   AT  GOU 

MINARET    . 

WINDMILL 

CHARLES       V.      . 

LOIISTER    NET     . 

ERASMUS    . 

pnii.ii'  II. 

WILLIAM    I. 
COUNT  ALVA       . 


DA 


PAGE 

WILLIAM 

Frontispiece 

2 

5 
8 

i6 

21 

27 
30 

35 

45 
46 

50 

54 

57 
60 

74 


XXll 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


BRILL 

ENVIRONS  OF   DORDRECHT 

OLD  DUTCH   STREET  AND  TOWN-HALL 

WINDOW  OF  AN   OLD   HOUSE  AT  GRONINGEN 

HOTEL  DE  VILLE,   BRUSSELS     . 

THE   PRISON,  THE  HAGUE 

OI.D  ZAANDAM 

THE  GATE  OF  ST.   CATHERINE  AT   DELFT 
CUSTOM    HOUSE  AND   PIER  AT   HARLINGEN 
GRONINGEN 

•  •  • 

ROTTERDAM        .... 

THE  CATHEDRAL,    ANTWERP     . 

PRINCE  MAURICE       . 

HAARLEM 

MERWEDE  TOWER      . 

SPINOLA      . 

AMSTERDAM 

CHINA 

LUTHERAN  CHURCH   AT  AMSTERDAM 

BRIDGE,  AT   AMSTERDAM 

REMBRANDT        .... 

OLDEN  BARNEVELDT 

THE  BINNENHOF  AT  THE  HAGUE 

GROTIUS 

FREDERIC,   PRINCE  OF  ORANGE 
ADMIRAL  TROMP 
DE  RUVTER 


PAGB 

79 
8i 

85 
94 
98 

105 

no 

117 

124 

128 

132 

143 

155 

159 

169 

191 

198 

201 

216 

218 

219 

226 

229 

236 

242 

246 

254 


JOHN   DE  WITT 

PIPES  

WILLIAM    III. 

SPINOZA       ... 

IHE  VYVLRBERG   AT   THE   HAGUE 

AI.KMAAR   WINDOWS 

CIRL'S    HKAI) 

I  OWN- HALL,   HAARLEM 

IIROEK   GIRL 

SLEIGH 

WINDMILLS,  ZAANDAM 

WILLIAM    IV. 

KUENEN      . 

JACOB   KATZ 


XXIII 

PAGE 
261 

265 

272 

284 

296 

311 
328 

339 
347 
350 
358 

375 
378 


I 


I 


THE    STORY    OF    HOLLAND. 


I. 


EART.V   DAYS. 

The  creat  river  of  Western  Europe  whose  head 
waters  are  collected  in  the  Lake  of  Constance,  and  lose 
themselves  in  the  German  Ocean  by  a  thousand 
channels,  was  for  centuries  the  hi.e^hway  of  Western 
commerce  and  civilization.  It  was  for  a  long  time  the 
iKuth-eastern  boundary  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
many  of  the  cities  which  studded  its  banks  were  the 
outposts  of  garrisons  of  the  Roman  army.  In  later 
times  certainly,  perhaps  even  in  earlier  ages,  these 
cities  were  enriched  by  the  merchandise  which  was 
carried  down  the  stream. 

As  the  Rhine  approaches  the  borders  of  the  country 
now  known  collectively  as  Holland,  it  begins  to  divide 
its  stream,  and  the  divisions  are  multiplied  at  short 
intervals.  The  flow  of  its  waters  once  rapid  is  now 
sluggish.  The  delta  of  the  Rhine  is  an  accretion  from 
the   soil    which  the  stream    has  collected  during  its 


.».^-  ■■■•  ^ 


.».^-  .■•«!». 


2  EARLY   DAYS, 

course.  The  first  Napoleon  laid  claim  to  the  territory 
of  Hollaiul  on  the  ground  that  its  surface  was  a  deposit 
from  the  distant  regions  in  which  the  earth  was  col- 
lected, was  hurried  along  by  the  rapid  riv^r,  and 
dropped  by  the  sluggish  water  courses  into  which  the 
Rhine  divided  itself.  "Now,"  he  argued,  "the  uplands 
are  mine  by  right  of  conquest.  The  lowlands,  which 
owe  their  existence  to  the  river  which  I  have  ap- 
propriated, are  mine  by  right  of  devolution."  One 
may  dispute  the  logic  of  the  great  captain,  but  the 

accuracy  of  his  geology  is 
incontestable.  Holland  is 
the  creation  of  the  Rhine. 

The  rest  of  the  Nether- 
lands, now  known  politically 
as  the  Belgium  kingdom,  is 
not  so  obviously  the  pro- 
duct of  great  rivers.  Hut 
the  greater  part  of  it  is  an 
unbroken  flat,  suggesting 
I  hat  its  area  was  once  a 
^^  l^^'^^^'^-^  \  .shallow  sea  from  which  the 
DUTCH  wiNDMH  L.  watcrs  havc  retreated.     The 

inhabitants  of  H(jlland  were,  for  the  most  part,  of 
Teutonic  origin,  as  were  also  those  of  the  western  sea- 
board of  the  Netherlands.  The  south-western  district 
was  inhabited  mainly  by  a  people  of  Celtic  origin. 
These  two  races  were  known  as  F'lemish  and  Walloon. 
In  the  dawn  of  history,  i.i\,  for  this  country,  in  the 
days  when  Julius  Caesar  was  engaged  in  extending  the 
Roman  Empire  over  Northern  Gaul,  and  the  western 
tribes  of  the  great  Teutonic  race,  the  greater  part  of 


i 


BAT  AVI  A.  3 

modern  Holland  was  an  extensive  morass,  covered  by 
almost  impenetrable  forests.  From  time  to  time  the 
barrier  which  the  river  was  depositing  against  the 
ocean  was  invaded  by  furious  storms,  and  the  land  was 
submerged.  But  the  river  was  always  building  up 
what  the  sea  was  occasionally  destroying,  and  the 
earliest  in.stincts  of  the  Hollanders  were  directed  to- 
wards the  protection  of  the  land  on  which  they  dwelt, 
the  land  which  the  sea  was  always  threatening.  This 
land,  enclo.sed  between  the  two  principal  arms  of  the 
Rhine,  was  called  Batavia,  and  its  inhabitants  got  the 
name  of  their  country. 

After  the  conquest  of  the  Belgian  races,  the 
Batavians  became  the  allies  of  Rome,  at  first  of  the 
fortunes  of  Caesar,  and  afterwards  of  the  legions  which 
were  posted  on  the  German  frontier.  They  remained 
faithful  to  the  Roman  lunpire  till  its  final  extinction, 
with  only  one  interval,  that  occupied  with  the  revolt  of 
Claudius  Civil  is,  a  Romanised  Batavian,  who  .sought 
to  bring  about  the  political  independence  of  his  race. 
But  the  revolt  was  unsuccessful.  The  Batavian  people 
despaired  of  success,  and  fell  away  from  their  national 
leader.  He  resolved  on  making  terms  with  his  old 
comrades,  and  his  recent  enemies,  and  to  relinquish 
the  cause  of  those  who  had  no  heart  to  defend  it  them- 
selves. So  he  sought  a  negotiation  and  an  interview. 
How  it  was  concluded  we  do  not  know,  for  the 
narrative  of  the  historian  is  abruptly  broken  off  here, 
and  the  .sequel  of  the  fortunes  of  Civilis  is  irreparably 
lost  to  history. 

The  Batavians  aided  the  Emperor  Julian  in  his  vic- 
tory over  the  Germans  at  Strasburg  (a.D.  357).  Shortly 


EARLY   DAYS. 


after  this,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Rhine  island,  the  so- 
called  l^atavians,  disappear  from  liistory,  and  are 
nner<^ed  in  the  Frisian,  perhaps  in  the  l^ankish  tribes 
who  were  now  swarming  over  the  Rhine  into  North- 
western Europe.  The  Prankish  sov  ereigns,  at  any  rate, 
were  the  nominal  sovereigns  of  what  is  now  Holland. 
One  of  these  sovereigns,  Dagobert  II.,  founded  the  first 
Christian  church  at  Utrecht. 

Out  of  the  Brabant  town  of  Landen  came  the  family 
from  which  Charles  the  Great  was  descended.  The 
great-grandfather  of  Charles  the  Great  began  the  con- 
quests of  the  Frisians  ;  his  grandfather  all  but  com- 
pleted it.  The  founders  of  the  first  two  French 
dynasties  were  Germans,  their  language  was  German, 
and  their  administration  was  entirely  Teutonic.  The 
third  dynasty,  which  is  of  more  obscure  origin,  and 
survives  to  our  day,  is  said  by  some  early  historians 
to  have  also  been  Teutonic. 

The  modern  Holland,  the  Batavtan  inhabitants  of 
which  were  merged  in  the  Frisian  race  inhabiting  the 
extreme  north-east  of  the  present  kingdom,  was  con- 
tinuous with  Friesland.  The  great  tract  now  known 
as  the  Zuyder  Zee  was  land  originally,  or  had  been 
fenced  from  the  irruptions  of  the  German  Ocean. 
This  ocean  burst  over  the  land  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, and  buried  towns  and  villages  permanently 
beneath  its  waters.  These  Batavians  and  Frisians 
came  under  the  control  of  the  great  Charles,  who  left 
them  their  native  customs,  they  obeying  those  chiefs 
whom  the  lunperor  of  the  West  put  over  them.  The 
laws  of  the  Frisians  declare  that  the  race  shall  be  free, 
as  long  as  the  wind  blows  out  of  the  clouds  and  the 


»i^ 


mm 


;f,)n     s 


Mm 


'uV'l 


I 


EARLY  DAYS. 


POLICY   OF   CHARLES    THE    GREAT, 


world  stands.  More  than  seven  centuries  after  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Great  had  come  to  an  end,  this 
charter  of  freedom  was  the  rallying  cry  of  the  Dutch 
patriots. 

The  principle  upon  which  the  empire  of  Charles  the 
Great  was  founded  was  that  the  chiefs  of  the  several 
races  subordinated  to  the  central  imperial  authorit>- 
should  be  the  emperor's  delegates  and  dependents,  but 
that  the  several  races  should  be  governed  civilly  bv 
their  own  traditions  or  custvoms.  The  emperor  should 
have  the  control  of  such  lUilitary  forces  as  the  several 
states  or  races  could  furnish,  and  the  deput),  count,  or 
duke  as  he  might  be  called,  was  to  be  answerable  to 
the  head  of  the  state  for  his  tribute,  or  his  militia,  or 
for  both.  In  the  hands  of  so  vigorous,  so  shrewd,  antl 
so  capable  a  man  as  Charles  the  Great,  a  system  of 
government  like  this  was  possible.  It  was  possible  in 
his  descendants  or  successors  only  if  they  inherited 
his  capacity  as  well  as  his  empire.  But  the  descendants 
of  Charles's  sons  proved  themselves  as  incapable  as 
the  descendants  of  Clovis  were,  and  in  a  far  briefer 
period  of  time.  Within  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
the  emperors  of  this  dynasty  ceased  to  rule,  sank 
into  petty  chieftains,  and  were  finally  superseded  in 
their  French  dominions  by  the  third  d)'nasty  to  which 

I  have  alluded. 

The  succession  of  the  French  monarchs  and  the 
succession  of  German  emperors  are  equally  dated 
from  the  rise  of  the  house  of  Charles  the  Great.  The 
French  historians  ignored  the  kings  of  the  first 
dynasty,  for  Louis  I.  is  the  son  of  Charles,  just  as  the 
Norman  sovereigns  of  Fngland  ignored  the  Edwards 


of  the  race  of  Egbert.  But  they  recognized  as  their 
kings  those  Germans  who  nominally  ruled  as  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  great  Charles  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the 
Ems,  and  from  the  German  Ocean  to  the  Tiber.  So 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire  dates  its  origin  from  the 
coronation  of  Charles  the  Great. 

Charles  the  Simple  these  latter  descendants  of  the 
first  German  ICmpcror  always  had  uncomplimentary 
titles)  was  ruling  in  922  ov^er  a  fragment  of  the  vast 
empire  which  had  existed  a  century  before,  that  por- 
tion which  is  contained  in  the  modern  Belgium  and 
Holland.  In  this  year,  in  accordance  with  the  custom 
which  has  been  referred  to  above,  the  simple  king 
created  one  Dirk  the  Count  of  Holland.  The  de- 
scendants of  Dirk  were  in  existence  during  the  war 
of  independence,  and  took  the  side  of  the  patriots. 
But  Henry  the  Fowler,  Emperor  of  Germany,  had  been 
recognized  as  the  successor  of  Charles  the  Simple. 
In  925,  the  subjects  of  the  simple  king  dethroned  and 
imprisoned  him,  and  the  Netherlands,  as  yet  loosely 
connected  with  what  afterw^ards  became  France,  were 
as  loosely  connected  with  what  is  known  in  history  as 
the  I  loly  Roman  Empire.  We  shall  see  hereafter  how 
slight  the  bond  was. 

Part  of  the  policy  of  Charles  the  Great  was  to  invest 
the  bishops  of  the  newly  converted  PVisians,  Saxons, 
and  other  German  tribes  with  great  wealth  and  great 
political  power.  He  foresaw  in  all  likelihood  how 
difficult  it  would  be  to  prevent  laymen  from  making 
those  dignities  hereditary,  which  his  policy  intended 
to  keep  precarious  and  dependent  on  submission  and 
good  behaviour.     But  it  was  otherwise  with  the  clergy. 


I 


8 


EARLY  DAYS, 


Their  offices  were  elective  or  subject  to  the  Crown's 
nomination.  They  had  no  heirs,  only  successors,  and 
the  succession  required  the  royal  confirmation.  Hence 
what  is  known  in  history  as  the  prince  bishoprics  were 
created.  These  prince  bishops  for  near  a  thousand  years 
were  characteristic  factors  in  the  German  Empire. 

One  of  these  prince  bishops  was  the  Bishop  of 
Utrecht.  Christianity  had  been  preached  especially 
by  English  missionaries  alon^^  the  Rhine  to  the  sea. 
Wilfrid,  Willibrod,  and  W infrid,  the  latter  known  also 
as  Boniface,  were  the  apostles  of  Germany  and   the 

Netherlands.  The  last  of 
these  was  the  first  l^ishop 
of  Mainz,  and  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Utrecht.  Me 
was  slain  by  the  pa^^an 
Frisians  at  the  little  town 
of  Dokkum  in  Friesland, 
and  is  honoured  as  the 
great  saint  and  proto- 
martyr  of  Catholic  Ger- 
many. 

In  point  of  fact,  the 
spread  of  Christianity  in  these  pagan  countries  en- 
tailed great  political  and  pecuniary  sacrifices  on 
the  converts.  Large  tracts  of  land  were  confiscated 
in  order  to  form  the  domain  of  the  new  bishops, 
the  dues  of  the  Church  were  rigorously  enacted  from 
landowners  whose  religion  had  not  hitherto  in- 
volved such  liabilities,  and  the  slaves  and  vassals  of 
the  prince  prelates  increased  with  the  unsuccessful 
struggles  of  the  reluctant  pagans,  for  defeat   meant 


■\ 


:^=kJi?iS$><- 


■■S:< 


FRISIAN    GIRl.. 


THE    CHURCH   IN   THE   NETHERLANDS. 


confiscation  to  the  wealthy  and  slavery  to  the  poor. 
Bui  in  the  end,  after  half  the  population  had  been 
slaughtered  in  war,  the  other  half  submitted  to  a  form 
of  Christianity,  which  was  forcible  rather  than  persua- 
sive. The  Bishop  of  Utrecht  became  the  spiritual 
chief,  and  in  many  particulars  the  temporal  chief  of 
all  I'riesland.  It  was  not  till  the  great  war  of  inde- 
pendence that  an  attempt  was  made  to  multiply 
bisho|)rics  in  the  Netherlands,  and  when  it  was  made 
it  was  in  the  interests  of  Philip's  tvrannv  and  for  the 
purpose  of  strengthening  the  Spanish  Inquisition. 
The  character  of  the  Church  in  the  Netherlands  must 
be  seen,  in  order  to  understand  the  nature  of  the  great 
struggle  which  will,  by  and  by,  be  narrated. 

The  two  })otentates  of  what  in  after  times  consti- 
tuted the  seven  United  1^'ovinces,  the  Dutch  Republic 
of  later  history,  and  their  High  Mightines.ses,  the 
States-General,  were  in  this  early  time  the  Count  of 
Holland  and  the  Bishop  of  Utrecht.  In  the  rest  of 
the  Netherlands,  the  pettv^  sovereigns  became  far  more 
numerous.  The  most  important  of  these  were  the 
Dukes  of  Brabant,  and  the  Earls  of  Flanders.  But 
there  were  numerous  independent  princes  of  the  dis- 
trict now  known  as  Ik^lgium,  all  privileged  to  take  toll 
and  tax  from  the  people  whom  they  had  under  their 
sway.  No  central  authority  controlled  them,  for  the 
German  Empire  to  which  they  nominally  belonged, 
by  reason  of  its  own  internal  dissensions  and  its  long 
struggles  with  the  Pope,  waxed  feebler  and  feebler, 
and  the  French  kings  had  enough  to  do  in  their  efforts 
to  restrain  a  turbulent  and  almost  independent  aristo- 
cracy within  their  own  borders. 


-I 


10 


EARLY  DAYS. 


This  aristocracy  was  the  common  and  cver-vi^ilant, 
ever-conspirini;  enemy  of  government,  reh'gion,  and 
industry.  In  these  remote  times  the  king  was  the 
exponent  of  the  government,  the  Church  of  religion, 
and  the  town  of  industry.  In  order  to  sustain  the  first, 
the  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  was  invented; 
in  order  to  aid  the  second,  the  theory  of  priestcraft 
was  inculcated  and  enforced  ;  in  order  to  preserve  the 
third,  the  charter  of  the  town  was  purchased.  The 
French  and  Ivnglish  kings  saw  how  im[)ortant  it  was 
to  strenirthen  themselves  against  their  natural  and 
persistent  foes  by  the  aid  of  the  towns,  antl  they 
irranted  their  towns  charters  innumcrahlo,  the  fullest 
and  widest  being  often  conceded  by  the  worst  and 
most  unpopular  monarchs.  If  indeed  king,  Church, 
and  burgher  had  always  been  united  against  the  en- 
croachment of  the  nobles,  the  victor)  would  soon  have 
been  won.  But  the  alliance  of  what  may  be  called 
the  conservative  forces  of  society  against  the  disturb- 
ing and  destructive  elements  was  rarely  close  and 
still  more  rarely  enduring.  The  king  and  the  Church 
were  constantly  quarrelling,  and  with  varied  fortunes, 
till  at  last  the  Church  became  the  willing  instrument 
of  despotism,  and  the  king  after  having  reduced  the 
nobles,  and  employed  the  Church  as  his  agent,  began 
to  pillage  and  harry  those  who  had  been  the  means 
for  achieving  his  victory  over  the  other  two. 

Now  there  was  no  king  in  the  Netherlands,  not 
even  a  lord  paramount,  but  a  host  of  small  autocrats, 
quarrelling  for  ever  among  themselves,  and  therefore 
at  their  wits'  end  for  the  means  of  maintaining  their 
own  existence  and  their  feuds. 


f 


THE   HOOKS  AXD   KABELJAUWS. 


li 


But  there  is  no  history  in  these  times,  nothing,  as 
Milton  said,  but  the  quarrel  of  the  kites  and  the  crows, 
or  as  they  called  themselves  in  the  Netherlands,  the 
Hooks  and  the  Kabcljauws,  the  grotesque  factions 
of  these  flats  and  swamps. 


■4 


II. 


THE   RISE  OF   Tfll-:   (IIARTERED   TOWNS. 

The  municipal  institution  of  the  Roman  luiipirc  sur- 
vived, in  many  places,  the  downfall  of  Rome.  Towns 
whose  comi)aratively  free  institutions  tower  above 
the  barbarism  of  the  inroads  of  Hun,  Goth,  Frank, 
and  Saxon,  still  exist,  whose  rii^hts  of  local  self- 
government  are  in  succession  from  the  Roman  period, 
though  these  rights  are  constantly  guaranteed  by  the 
grant  of  fresh  charters.  These  towns  were  specially 
numerous  in  the  South  of  France.  They  existed  in 
Italy,  .so  long  a  battlefield  for  rival  invatlers.  They 
continued  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  Such  places 
as  Marseilles  and  Nismes  in  France,  Milan  and  Pisa 
in  Italy,  Coblentz,  Bonn,  and  Cologne  on  the  Rhine, 
to  quote  a  few  instances  out  of  many,  never  seem 
to  have  lost  their  local  liberties  entirely.  The  life 
of  these  liberties  may  have  been  feeble,  and  to  all 
appearance,  frail,  but  it  was  never  extinct.  Among 
the  towns  of  Roman  Britain,  some  survived  the  dark 
ages  of  the  Saxon  conquest.  London  is  plainly  one 
of  these.  So  are  probably  York  in  the  north,  and 
Exeter  in  the  west. 


BENEFICIAL   RESULTS  OF   THE   CRUSADES,      13 

The  modern  towns  of  the  Netherlands  cannot  be 
traced  back  to  the  Roman  ICmpire.  The  Belgians 
and  Bata\ians  were  not  colonized  as  the  greater  part 
of  the  empire  was.  Hence  the  ri.se  of  the  chartered 
town  was  later  in  the  Netherlands  than  it  was  in  the 
rest  of  Western  Europe,  though  when  it  became  a 
municipality  the  growth  of  its  opulence  was  rapid. 

The  period  of  the  Crusades,  in  which  the  Flemish 
counts  took  a  notable  part,  was  the  beginning  of  a 
new  epoch.  The  tide  of  human  emigration  flowed 
back  for  a  time  from  the  west  to  the  east,  not  in 
the  permanent  form  of  a  race  .settlement,  but  in  the 
transient  one  of  armed  hosts  seeking  one  spot  by 
land  or  sea.  The  Crusades  gave  an  enormous  im- 
pulse to  trade,  antl  enriched  the  commercial  cities 
of  Italy,  such  as  Venice,  Genoa,  Pisa,  and  Florence. 
They  elevated  the  condition  of  those  who  survived 
and  returned,  for  a  Crusader  gained  substantial  bene- 
fits by  his  venture.  They  elevated  the  condition  of 
tho.se  who  remained,  for  the  funds  needed  in  order 
to  carry  on  the  expedition  were  supplied  in  exchange 
for  local  liberties  and  the  right  of  trade  association.s. 
Jfeides,  the  exodus  left  higher  wages,  higher  profits, 
and  more  .secure  institutions  for  tho.se  who  laboured 
at  home.  The  nobles  began  to  see  that  voluntary 
grants,  and  the  regular  payment  of  dues  from  pros- 
perous towns  were  a  more  certain  .source  of  income 
than  the  plunder  of  impoverished  pea.sants  and 
burghers,  and  the  rapine  of  what  was  left  to  the 
mi.serable.  Commercial  prosperity  constantly  appears 
to  accompany  war,  though  re-action  is  sure  to  super- 
vene.   lUit  the  liberties  which  were  purchased  by  solid 


14 


RISE   OF   THE   CHARTERED    TOWNS. 


gold  and  silver  could  not  easily  be  purloined.  Resides, 
the  immediate  return  to  violence  was  not  safe  or 
politic.  The  nobles  soon  saw  that  the  improvement 
of  their  own  fortunes  and  prospects  depended  on  the 
opulence  of  the  towns  which  were  under  their  sway. 

The  form  of  these  early  charters  is  ijencrally  the 
same.  The  municipal  authorities  <^uarantee  tiie  fixetl 
dues  which  they  acknowledi^e  themselves  indebted 
in  to  their  lord.  In  other  words,  he  enters  into  the 
enjoyment  of  a  fixed  rent  charge,  secured  on  the 
revenues  of  the  city  and  the  goods  of  the  citizens. 
The  lord  gives  them  the  right  of  being  tried  by  their 
own  magistrates ;  in  other  words,  of  reijainincr  a 
custom  which  was  traditional  amouLr  all  Germanic 
tribes.  These  magistrates,  ma}'ors,  and  aldermen  in 
England,  I^chevins  or  Schepens  in  the  Netherlands, 
were  at  first  nominated  by  the  overlord,  and  for 
long  periods,  but  were  soon  elected  by  the  citizens. 
As  was  customary,  almost  universal,  offences  were 
expiated  by  fines,  which  went  to  the  count  or  the 
town  exchequer,  or  even  to  the  local  judges.  The 
municipality,  in  short,  was  constructed  on  the  model 
of  a  manor,  wherever  in  the  manor  the  traditional 
customs  of  the  people  were  respected  and  preserved. 
Only  the  strength  of  the  town  gave  a  more  enduring 
guarantee  to  the  grant  of  local  liberties.  It  was  a 
peculiarity  in  these  towns  that  the  inhabitants  were 
free  men.  In  England  residence  for  a  year  and  a 
day  in  a  chartered  town  barred  for  ever  ail  rights 
of  a  lord  over  his  serf. 

In  order  to  prevent  these  towns  from  becoming 
a  mere  asylum  for  runaway  serfs,  \  agabonds,  outlaws, 


JNSTli  LUOX    OF   GUILDS, 


15 


and    the    like,    the    institution    of  guilds   or   trading 
companies   w.is  essential   to   municipal    liberties   and 
contemporaneous  with  them.     T^very  freeman  had  to 
be  enrolled   in  a  guild.     Generally   the  entrance  to 
this  guild  was  obtained  by  a  seven  years'  apprentice- 
ship, during  which  the  aspirant  to   municipal  rights 
underwent    a   (jualified    servitude.       In    most    towns, 
membership   in  a  guild  became  an  hereditary  right, 
descending  from  father  to  son.     As  the  town  became 
more  opulent,  the  rights  of  a  freeman  were  obtained  by 
purchase.     In  course  of  time  the  lesser  nobles  sought 
admission  into  these  trading  cc^npanies,  and,  at  last, 
even    some   of  the   i^reatcr   nobles.      The   deans  and 
masters  of  these  guilds   eventually  monopolized  the 
municipal  government,  and  extinguished  the  ancient 
right    of  free    election.     It    might  well    be   asserted, 
however,  that   the   process   was   really  elective,  more 
certain  to  select  the  most  competent  men,  and  more 
safe  than  a  popular,  perhaps  tumultuous,  election. 

Still  these  Netherland  towns  "might  have  remained 
small  and  struggling  municipalities,  but  for  the 
fortunate  concurrence  of  several  facts  which,  taken 
together,  raised  them  rapidly  to  opulence.  They 
became  almost  suddenly  the  traders  and  manu- 
facturers of  Northern  Europe. 

I.  The  Crusades  had  developed  an  extraordinary 
military  activity  in  Western  Europe,  had  generally 
suspended  war  at  home,  and  had  greatly  stimulated 
commerce.  The  spirit  of  the  Crusaders  died  out, 
the  wars  of  TLurope  recommenced,  but  commercial 
activity  survived.  The  spices  and  other  goods  of 
the  East,  sometimes  conveyed  by  overland  caravans 


LEAGUE  OF  THE  IIANSE   TOWNS. 


17 


h 
u. 

1 


< 


and  throucrh  towns,  then  flourishincr,  but  aftcnvards 
destroyed  by  hordes  of  barbarians  from  Cefitral  and 
far  Eastern  Asia— sometimes  by  the  Red  Sea  and 
I\^TPt— were  collected  at  Venice  and  Genoa,  and 
thence  transmitted  to  l^:urope.  These  i^oods  went 
over  the  passes  of  the  Alps  to  the  Rhine,  and  thence 
were  conveyed  down  the  river  way,  chiefly  to  Bruges, 
the  city  of  the  I^ridges.  It  was  but  a  slender  rivulet 
of  trade  compared  with  the  volume  which  the  Dutch 
Republic  carried,  but  it  was  sin^rularly  fertilizing^. 
Durinj,^  its  continuance,  however,  Bruges  was  in  the 
first  rank  of  commercial  towns. 

2.  At  an  early  date,  and  after  the  pacification  of 
Norway,  Sweden,  and  Denmark,  a  century  or  so  after 
these  countries  had  ceased  to  swarm  with  the  pirates 
who  desolated  the  shores  of  Northern  luuope  and 
even  penetrated  into  the  Mediterranean,  a  number  of 
towns  on  the  coast  of  Norway,  Sweden,  Denmark, 
and  the  Baltic,  associated  themselves  together  for 
trading  purposes  and  mutual  defence  under  the  name 
of  the  Hanseatic  League.  The  centre  of  this  league 
is  said  to  have  been  Bergen  on  the  coast  of  Norway  ; 
the  treasury  of  the  traders  to  have  been  Wisby  in  the 
island  of  Gothland.  The  rapidity  with  which  this 
league  grew  and  flourished,  the  favour  which  it  re- 
ceived from  princes  and  prelates,  are  evidence  of  the 
value  and  volume  of  the  merchandise  in  which  they 
trafficked,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  markets  which 
they  visited.  Their  factories  were  planted  in  or  gave 
occasion  to  the  numerous  free  towns  on  the  coast  of 
Northern  Europe  ;  into  the  association  with  which 
European  capitals  and   cities  on  the  seaboard  were 


\ 


LEAGUE   OF   THE   ILIXSE    WWXS. 


17 


and  thrrni-h  towns,  then  tl.Hn-isllinL,^  but  afterwards 
(IcstroNcd  by  hordes  of  barbarians  from  C'entral  and 
far  blastern  Asia— sometimes  In-  the  Red  Sea  and 
IV^TPt— were  collected  at  Venice  and  (kMioa,  and 
thence  transmitted  to  lunope.  These  -oods  went 
over  the  passes  of  the  Alps  to  the  Rhine,  and  thence 
were  conveyed  down  the  river  wa\',  chiefly  to  I^rn-es, 
the  city  of  the  Bridges.  It  was  but  a  slender  rivulet 
of  trade  comi)ared  with  the  volume  which  the  Dutch 
Republic  carried,  but  it  was  sini^ndarly  fertili/ini;. 
Durini;  its  continuance,  however,  Hru-es  was  in  the 
lu-st  rank  (jf  commercial  towns. 

2.   At  an  early  date,  and   aftcM"  the  pacification  of 
Norway,  Sweden,  and  Demnark,  a  centm-y  or  so  after 
these  countries  had  ceased  to  swarm   with   the  pirates 
wiio  desolated   the  shores   of  Northern    luuope  and 
even  penetrated  into  the  Mediterranean,  a  number  of 
towns   on   the   coast   of   Norway,  Sweden,   Denmark, 
and   the    lialtic,   associated    themselves    tf\i^ether    for 
trading  purposes  and  mutual  defence  under  the  name 
of  the  Hanseatic  I.eai^rue.     The  centre  of  this  lea-uc 
IS  said  to  have  been  IkM'gen  on  the  coast  of  Norway  ; 
the  treasur\'  of  the  traders  to  have  been  W^isb)^  in  the 
island  of   (Gothland.     The    rapidity  with    wh'ii  h   this 
league  grew   and  llourished,   the  favour  which   it   re- 
ceived from  princes  and   prelates,  are  evidence  of  the 
value  and  volume  of  the  merchandise  in   which  they 
trafficked,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  markets  which 
they  visited.     Their  factories  were  planted  in  or  gave 
occasion  to  the  numerous  free  towns  on  the  coast  of 
Northern    luuope  :    into   the   association    with  which 
European   cat)itals   and    cities   on   the  seaboard   were 


i8 


RISE   OF   THE   CHARTERED    TOWXS, 


ENGLISH    WOOL    FOR   FLEMISH   LOOMS, 


19 


glad  to  be  introduced.  The  trade  of  the  Hanseatic 
League  was  specially  in  raw  materials,  and  the 
Netherland  towns  were  eager  customers  for  these 
materials.  Hemp  and  flax,  fur  and  hides,  were 
regularly  transmitted  to  these  towns,  and  formed  the 
means  by  which  the  Flemish  burghers  monopolized 
the  industry  of  Western  Europe  and  accumulated 
their  wealth. 

3.  Perhaps  the  most  important  factor  in  the  wealth 
of  the  Netherlands  at  this  early  period  was  that  it 
became  in  one  town  or  another  the  sole  market  for 
luiglish  wool,  and  England  in  the  early  ages  of 
Flemish  industry  was  the  only  country  from  which 
this  indispensable  article  could  be  supplied,  at  least 
in  any  quantity,  and  the  only  country  also  from 
which  it  was  supplied  of  good  quality.  The  fact  is, 
England  was  well-nigh  the  only  luiropean  country 
where  the  peace  was  kept,  where  robbery  and 
violence,  such  as  ran  riot  in  most  European  coun- 
tries, owing  to  the  insubordination  and  ferocity  of 
the  nobles,  were  repressed,  and  the  law  by  which  the 
farmer's  stock  was  protected  was  universally  obeyed. 
The  writer  has  read  many  thousands  of  farm  accounts 
in  the  period  to  which  he  is  referring,  and  it  is  rare 
indeed,  in  the  elaborate  and  exact  enuiricration  of 
all  farm  stock  and  protluce  from  year  to  year,  that 
complaint  is  made  of  losses  b)-  theft  or  violence.  It 
was  not  so  with  the  rest  of  Europe.  What  was  a  safe 
agricultural  pursuit  in  England,  was  so  dangerous  and 
risky  on  the  Continent,  that  the  calling  of  the  shep- 
herd  and  the  rearing  of  sheep  were  always  rare  and 
often  unknown. 


Not  only  was  this  the  case,  but  the  varieties  of 
English  wool  in  quality  an  1  therefore  in  value  were 
numerous.  The  brands  of  wool,  as  merchants  would 
say,  were  as  many,  as  important,  and  as  variable  in 
value,  as  the  (qualities  of  wine  are  at  the  presen 
time.  Now  it  is  true  that  there  were  woollen  manu- 
factures in  I'jigland,  perhaps  sufficient  to  supply  the 
ordinary  wants  of  most  Englishmen,  but  the  skill  of 
the  iMiglish  weaver  was  far  below  that  of  the  Memish. 
The  fuiest  cloths  were  woven  in  Flanders,  and  were 
thence  distributed  over  lunope. 

1^^-iendship  with  England,  therefore,  and  the  unin- 
terrupted import  of  this  prime  staple  were  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  the  Flemish  towns,  and  it  was 
the  object  of  the  Counts  of  Flanders  to  court  the 
good-will  of  the  English  sovereigns  and  people. 
From  the  time  of  the  Edwards  (1272,  to  the  end  of 
the  time  of  the  Tudors  v'<^03)  f^^e  intercourse  with 
the  Low  Countries  was  of  profound  interest  to  England 
and  the  Netherlands.  If  this  trade  were  interrupted, 
thousands  of  looms  would  lie  idle,  and  poverty  would 
show  itself  in  the  Flemish  cities.  If  it  were  restored, 
the  same  looms  would  anew  become  busy,  and  wealth 
would  be  rapidly  accumulated. 

It  was  not,  however,  in  woollen  goods  only  that  the 
Low  Countries  were  superior  to  the  rest  of  luu'ope. 
They  had  a  similar  rej)utation  in  the  manufacture  of 
linen  cloth.  Some  of  the  names  of  the  various  kinds 
of  cloth  arc  taken  from  the  country,  or  from  places  in 
the  country.  Thus  serviceable  linen  for  clothing  and 
for  table  use  went  by  the  generic  name  of  Holland. 
Diaper    was    the    special    product    of    the    town    of 


i 

I 


i 


20 


RISE   OF    THE    CHARTERED    TOnWS. 


D'ypres.  Linen  is  described  as  coming  from  IVabant 
and  Brussels  as  well  as  from  other  places,  and  all 
these  articles  are  hii;h-priced.  It  is  true  that  some- 
times Netherlanders  moved  over  to  the  eastern 
counties  of  luiij^laiid,  bringing  with  them  their  skill 
and  their  looms,  but  this  occurred  rarely  and  fitfully. 
It  was  not  till  the  war  of  independence  and  the 
persecution  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  fully  set  in, 
that  the  Flemish  weavers  migrated  in  thousiinds  to 
I^ngland  and  carried  with  them  the  skill,  which 
rapidly  gave  luigland  the  supremacy  in  textile  manu- 
facture which  she  still  enjoys.  The  wealth  of  these 
burghers  was  the  strength  and  wealth  of  their  counts, 
and  many  a  luu'opean  sovereign  was  far  less  securely 
opulent  than  these  many  potentates  were  who  occu- 
pied a  country  which  was  collectively  smaller  than 
any  European  kingdom. 

The  dukes  and  counts  of  the  Netherlands  were  not 
slow  to  discern  that  the  prosperity  of  their  subjects 
was  a  matter  of  profound  interest  to  the  nobles,  and 
that  the  concession  of  privileges  would  be  a  plentiful 
source  of  riches  and  strength  to  themselves.  The 
communities  became  practicall}-  little  republics.  In 
course  of  time,  the  towns  took  common  counsel 
together  in  assemblies  which  assisted  in  the  general 
government.  The  deputies  of  the  town  met  the 
nobles  in  the  gatherings  of  the  provincial  estates. 
What  became  an  early  practice  in  Flanders,  was  soon 
adopted  in  Holland,  and  the  Netherlands  became 
gradually  familiar  with  parliamentary  action.  But 
singularly  enough,  the  clergy  in  the  Netherlands  did 
not  become  one  of  the  estates.     The  Netherlanders 


I 


I 


THE   CHURCH   XOT  ONE   OF   THE   ESTATES,      21 

did  not  from  the  beginning  care  to  intrust  their 
liberties  to  the  Church.  They  were  devout  enough. 
They  built  magnificent  churches,  and  decorated  them 
lavishly.  Long  before  any  pictorial  art  was  known  in 
England  the  Netherlands  had  their  schools  of  painting, 
even  as  early,  it  seems,  as  Italy  had. 

It  is  true  that  these  cities  were  quarrelsome  and 
combative.  Pent  up  in  these  hives  of  industry  and 
concentrated  on  their  homes,  they  sometimes  justified, 
by  their  riotous  violence,  the  interference  of  their 
overlords,  and  the  curtailment  of  their  liberties.  The 
ringing  of  the  town  bell  was  the  signal  of  a  dis- 
turbance— perhaps  the  occasion  of  it.  l^ut  the 
burghers  of  Ghent  were  as  proud  of  Roland,  their 
town  bell,  as  they  were  of  their  children.  And  after 
all,  occasional  turbulence  was  ill  exchanged  for  the 
despair  and  misery  which  despotism  at  last  brought 
upon  this  thriving  country,  when  in  the  end  the 
whole  of  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  house  of 
Burgundy,  and  thence  to  those  of  Austrian  Spain. 


•l*^    'f^      ~itM     v^V-^--     -  /--^JTki^l 


m 


i.1fl' 


THE  CANAL,    L'TKECUT. 


ITS   ORIGIN, 


23 


III. 


THE   HOUSE  OF   LUROUNDY. 

In  early  days,  the  dukedoms,  countships,  and  other 
titles  of  nobility,  coupled  as  they  always  were  with 
the  lordship  over  estates,  and  the  inhabitants  thereof, 
were  merely  official,  and  were  not  intended  to  descend 
from  father  to  son.  But  they  soon  became  hereditary, 
and  those  who  held  this  rank  strove  with  i^reat  success 
to  make  themselves  independent.  In  TVance  and 
Germany,  at  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century, 
the  king  and  emperor  had  less  power  than  many  of 
their  nominal  subjects.  After  centuries  of  labour  in 
this  direction,  the  king  of  France  contrived  to  bring 
his  nobles  into  subjection.  But  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  centurx',  there  were  nigh  upon  four  hundred 
independent  princes  and  kinglets  in  Germany. 

At  a  crisis  in  French  history,  the  Court  lawyers  of 
France  declared  that  women  could  neither  sit  on  the 
throne  nor  transmit  a  title  to  it  through  their  de- 
scendants. The  result  of  the  iMiglish  ckaim  to  the 
throne  of  France  was  a  war  which  lasted  for  a 
hundred  years,  off  and  on, and  a  claim  tu  :3uvcicignty 


over  France  which  was  only  relinquished  in  the 
present  century.  F>om  the  accession  of  Hugh  Capet 
(978)  to  the  present  time  this  family  has  never  lacked 
male  descendants.  No  other  such  regal  house  has 
existed  in  Europe.  In  Kngkmd  the  royal  house  has 
died  out  on  the  male  side  no  less  than  five  times,  and 
the  inheritance  has  passed  to  or  through  females.' 

But  the  great  peerages,  duchies,  and  other  titles  in 
the  French  kingdom  were  not  under  the  so-called 
Salic  law.  It  was  by  female  descent  that  the  l^nglish 
King  Henry  H.  (1154-1189)  possessed  or  claimed  the 
whole  seaboard  of  France,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Seine  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone.  A  woman,  there- 
fore, could  transmit  the  rights  of  her  ancestor  over 
his  subjects  to  a  stranger,  and  thus  the  marriages  of 
princes  have  changed  from  time  to  time  the  political 
geography  of  Europe.  The  domains  of  the  house 
of  Austria  were  built  up  by  fortunate  marriages.  It 
was  by  such  marriages  that  the  Netherlands  came 
first  into  the  power  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy,  and 
thence  to  the  Spanish  branch  of  the  Austrian  line. 

The  origin  of  the  house  of  l^urgundy,  so  powerful 
during  the  fifteenth  century  and  so  tragically  con- 
cluded, was  a  grant  of  that  Duchy,  the  principal 
town  of  which  was  Dijon,  made  by  Louis  the  Ninth 
(1226-1270;,  called  the  Saint,  to  one  of  his  younger 
children.  Towards  the  conclusion  of  the  fourteenth 
centur)',  this  family  had  become  powerful,  and 
exercised  a  disastrous  influence  over  the  fortunes  of 
France.  When  Charles  the  Sixth  of  France  became 
in.sane  (1392),  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  became  regent. 
He  died    in    1404.     His  son   murdered  the  Duke  of 


24 


THE   HOUSE   OF  BURGUiXDY. 


of  Orleans  in  1407,  and  was  himself  murdered  by 
the  Daui)hin  in  1419  at  Montereau.  His  son,  who 
goes  by  the  historical  name  of  Philip  the  Gf.od,  most 
undeservedly,  ruled  his  duchy  down  to  14O7. 

This  Philii)  the  Good,  besides  his  own   duchy,  had 
inherited  in  the  Netherlands  the  counties  of  Flanders 
and  Artois.     He  purchased   the    county  of   Namur. 
He  usurped  the  Duchy  of  Brabant.     He  dispossessed 
his  cousin  Jacqueline  of  Holland,  Zealand,  Hainault, 
and  Friesland,  these    several    counties    or    provinces 
having  descended  to  her  by  the  same  kind  of  succes- 
sion.    His  dominions  extended  from  the  foot  of  the 
Alps  to  the  German  Ocean,  and  comprised  what  was 
then   the  wealthiest  part  of  Northern  Europe.     The 
original  provinces  of  the  Netherlands  were  seventeen, 
and  he  was  now  overlord  of  all. 

In  these  times,  it  became  a  current  doctrine  among 
princes  and  their  counsellors  that  subjects,  especially 
those  engaged  in  industry,  and  on  whose  industry  not 
only  the  wealth,  but  the  very  existence  of  the  country 
depended,  had  no  rights  against  their  lords.     This  was 
the    view    entertained    by    the    English    James,    and 
constantly  asserted  by  him.     In  pursuance  of  this  doc- 
trine  it  was  held  that  no  plighted  word,  no  promise, 
no  oath  w^as  binding  on  a  sovereign,  and  that  a  tem- 
porary  limitation  of  his  powers,  declared  by  him  to  be 
perpetual,  was  no  more  valid  than  a  pledge  given  under 
threats.      James  vapoured    about    his   divine    rights. 
His  son  Charles  tried  to  put  the  thing  into  practice, 
with  the  most  disastrous  consequences  to  himself. 

In  earlier  times,  the  word  or   the  oath  of  the  king 
was  binding.     But  the  Topes,  always  for  a  considera- 


I 


LIBERTIES   E.XyOYED   BY    THE   NETHERLANDS.    25 

tion,  assumed  the  power  of  freeing  the  king  from  his 
oaths,  and  of  holding  him  harmless  W  he  committed 
perjury.  The  Juiglish  i)eople  did  not  relish  the 
doctrine,  and  tiiey  took  short  and  sharp  measures 
with  the  two  kings,  John  and  Henry  the  'J'hird,  who 
availed  themselves  of  these  pontifical  assurances. 
John  would  have  been  deposed,  but  for  his  opportune 
death.  Henr\-  would  have  been  deposed,  but  he  was 
old,  and  his  son,  whose  word  could  be  trusted,  broke 
with  the  custom. 

As  the  political  authority  of  the  Pope  was  lessened, 
the  lunopean  princes  took  the  option  of  keeping  the 
pledges  which  they  had  made  or  inherited  with 'their 
dominions  into  their  own  hands.  They  did  not  do  it 
in  J^jigland,  for  there  were  some  awkward  precedents 
of  resistance  and  deposition  which  the  most  masterful 
and  haughty  of  the  Plnglish  kings  remembered  and 
dreaded.  A  c\'nical  Frenchman  of  the  eighteenth 
century  was  wont  to  say,  that  on  January  soth  every 
European  king  woke  up  in  the  morning  with  a  crick 
in  his  neck.  There  were  other  da)'s  which  the  English 
kings  thought  of  before  1649,  u  hen  they  were  tempted 
to  tam])er  with  poi)ular  liberties. 

At  the  time  when  Philip,  surnamed  the  Good, 
acquired  the  complete  and  undivided  sovereignty  of 
the  Netherlands,  that  country  had  reached  the  lieight 
of  its  i)rosperity,  and  the  full  enjoyment  of  ""its 
chartered  liberties.  The  sovereign  had  his  aut^iority. 
I  he  nobles  had  their  place  in  the  Council.  Ikit  the 
inumcipal  authorities,  though  checked  by  the.se  two 
forces,  had  a  .solid  and  substantial  influence  over  both. 
The  form  of  these  institutions   was  oligarchical,  the 


I^^P 


26 


THE   HOUSE   OF  BURGUNDY, 


fact  was  that  they  were  popular,  for  the  burghers  were 
too  strong  and  too  turbulent  to  be  disregarded. 

In  the  assemblies  of  the  estates,  the  authority  of 
the  prince  was  represented  by  the  stadtholder,  in  the 
absence  of  the  prince.  When  the  Netherlands  were 
united  under  one  sovereign  the  stadtholder  became  a 
permanent  institution,  as  well  as  a  convenient 
substitute.  He  checked  the  overbold  demands  of 
the  towns,  and  asked  the  estates  to  grant  taxes,  or 
more  frequently  lump  sums  to  their  lords.  The 
nobles  voted  on  the  request.  The  cities,  if  they  had 
received  instructions  to  do  so,  bargained  as  to  the 
grant.  If  they  had  not,  they  claimed  a  day  or  an 
adjournment,  in  order  to  consult  their  principals. 
Unfortunately  the  deputies  came  with  limited  powers, 
and  the  cities  were  jealous  of  each  other.  The 
engrained  habit  of  municipal  isolation  was  the  cause 
why  the  general  liberties  of  the  Netherlands  were 
imperilled,  why  the  larger  part  of  the  country  was 
ultimately  ruined,  and  why  the  war  of  independence 
was  conducted  with  so  much  risk  and  difficulty,  even 
in  the  face  of  the  most  serious  perils. 

It  is  important  here,  however,  in  telling  the  story  of 
Holland,  to  mention  another  fact  in  the  social  condi- 
tion of  the  country,  which  found  no  place  in  the 
previous  description  of  its  resources  and  powers.  At 
a  comparatively  early  period,  the  date  of  which  is 
uncertain,  the  Flemish  and  Dutch  fishermen  devoted 
themselves  with  great  success  to  the  herring  fishery, 
and  subsequently  to  improvements  in  the  art  of  curing 
them.  The  merit  of  these  discoveries  was  ascribed  to 
Beukelszoon  of   Biervliet    in    Zealand,  who  died   in 


IMPORTANCE   OF    THE   FISHERIES   TO   HOLLAND,     27 

1447.  Ikit,  on  the  other  hand,  the  most  authentic 
account  of  the  process  makes  no  mention  of  the 
man,  but  only  of  th-e  place.  It  is  probable  that  the 
reputation  of  Beukelszoon  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
Charles  V.  and  his  sister  paid  a  visit  to  his  tomb  and 
offered  up  i)rayers  for  his  soul. 

We  cannot  in  our  days  imagine  how  important  were 
the  fisheries  to  our  forefathers,  and  how  interested  they 
were  in  an>'  process  which  efficiently  cured  fish.   Owino- 
to  the  absence  of  nearly  all 
kinds    of   winter   food    for 
animals,    except    hay,    the 
diet  of  most  persons  during 
the  winter  was  salted  pro- 
visions.    But  the  discipline 
of  the    Church   prescribed 
a    fish    diet  during   divers 
periods    of  the    year,    and 
the  consumption  of  salted 
fish    was  enormous.      The 
fisheries    of  the     German 
Ocean,  at  first  frequented  '^ 
by  the  Memings  and  sub- 
sequently   almost  occupied    by    the    Hollanders,  be- 
came a  mine  of  wealth,  second  only    to  the  manu- 
factures and  commerce  of  the   Flemish  cities.     They 
were  also   the  nursery  of  the    Dutch   nav\',  of  those 
amphibious   mariners   who  struck   the   first   blow  for 
Dutch    independence,  and   became   the  ancestors  of 
that  succession  of  brave  sea  captains,  who  crushed 
the  maritime  supremacy  of  Spain,  founded  the  Bata- 
vian  empire  of   Holland  in  the    tropics,  engaged  in 


WINDMII.I.,    HELDKR. 


28 


THE   HOUSE   OF  BURGUXDY. 


an  unequal  struggle  with  England,  and  sustained  for 
a  century  the  reputation  of  Holland,  after  its  real 
commercial  c^reatness  had  declined.  Thoujjh  Holland 
was  constantly  in  danger  from  the  ocean,  it  was  from 
the  ocean  that  she  derived  her  wealth  and  her  means 
for  fighting  in  the  struggle  for  independence.  She 
chose  with  reason  the  symbol  which  she  adopted  for 
her  flag — a  lion  struggling  with  tiie  waves,  and  her 
motto,  Luctor  et  eiuergo,  "  I  struggle,  I  rise." 

For  a  time  Philip  had  been  the  guardian  of  his 
cousin  Jacqueline  of  Holland,  and  in  this  capacity 
he  had  sworn  to  maintain  the  privileges  and  institu- 
tions of  the  Netherlands.  ]^ut  after  he  had  dispos- 
sessed his  ward,  he  notified  to  the  cities  and  estates, 
through  the  Council  of  Holland,  that  all  these  oaths 
were  to  be  deemed  null  and  void,  unless  he  irave  them 
his  new  and  personal  confirmation.  He  held  himself 
bound  by  no  obligation,  and  acted  to  the  full  on  the 
doctrine  that  there  was  nothing  binding  on  a  i)rince 
— a  doctrine  by  no  means  extinct  in  the  present 
generation,  as  European  peoples  have  found  to  their 
cost.  It  may  be  well  to  illustrate  the  action  which 
he  took  after  he  had  declared  this  judgment  of  his 
own,  as  to  his  true  position  and  rights. 

The  alliance  of  the  English  with  the  Dukes  of 
Burgundy  was  essential  towards  their  maintaining 
the  position  which  they  won  by  the  battle  of  Agin- 
court  and  the  subsequent  successes  of  the  Duke  of 
Bedford,  who  had  married  Philip's  sister.  After  her 
death  Bedford  instantly  married  a  Flemish  heiress, 
as  his  brother  Gloucester  had  sought  the  hand  of 
another  Flemish  heiress,  to  Philip's  great  indignation 


PHILIP  DECLARES    WAR   AGAINST  ENGLAND.       29 

eight  years  before  1424}.  But  it  was  not  till  after 
the  death  of  Bedford  in  1435,  that  Philip  made  his 
peace  with  the  French  king  and  .so  virtually  expelled 
the  luiglish  from  Eastern  France.  In  the  next  year 
he  declared  war  against  England,  and  appealed  to 
the  burghers  and  nobles  of  Flanders,  for  means  and 
men.  It  was  granted  or  promised,  but  we  may  be 
sure  with  a  heavy  heart,  for  a  rupture  with  England 
was  a  serious  injury  to  I'lemish  industry.  It  will 
be  seen  that  their  hearts  were  not  in  the  struggle. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1436  Philip  determined  to 
lay  siege  to  Calais,  the  port  which  gave  the  luiglish 
an  entry  at  once  into  France  and  Planders.  He 
marched  with  14,000  Flemish  troops  to  invest  the 
place,  and  bade  the  seneschal  of  Brabant  to  close  the 
port  by  the  fleet  of  Holland.  But  the  fleet  was  long 
\n  coming  ;  Calais  was  strengthened  and  provisioned, 
and  the  seneschal  was  forced  to  retire.  The  English 
made  a  sally,  the  Flemings  fled  in  disorder,  the  siege 
was  rai.sed,  and  Philip  was  forced  to  disband  his 
army. 

The  discontent  which  followed  on  this  unlucky 
expedition  and  on  the  reprisals  which  were  taken  in 
consequence,  excited  the  most  violent  disturbances 
ill  Inlanders.  The  cities  of  Ghent  and  Bruges  were 
conspicuous  in  their  indignation.  In  the  former  they 
killed  or  banished  those  whom  they  believed  to  have 
caused  the  miscarriage  of  the  expedition ;  in  the 
latter  where  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy  and  her  young 
son,  afterwards  Charles  the  Headstrong,  were  residing, 
they  detained  them  as  they  were  flying,  and  im- 
prisoned their  attendants.     When   Philip  gained   an 


c 
c 

< 

C 

K 

c 

'/" 

c 


INSURRECTION  OF   THE    FLEMISH   TOWNS.      31 

entry  into  Bruges,  partly  by  negotiation,  partly  by 
a  display  of  force,  the  insurrection  broke  out.  For 
a  time  the  duke  was  confined  in  the  city,  and  was 
in  great  danger.  He  escaped  however,  blockaded 
the  city,  and  with  it  put  a  stop  to  Flemish  commerce. 
At  last  half-starved  and  ruined  for  a  time,  with  the 
loss  of  20,000  persons  by  famine  and  pestilence,  the 
city  surrendered,  paid  an  enormous  fine  to  their  duke, 
and  practically  yielded  their  municipal  privileges  to 
his  discretion.  The  Flemings  were  beginning  t^'o  find 
that  their  prosperity  was  risked  on  the  intrigues  of 
royal  and  princely  persons.  But  for  some  time  Philip 
abstained  from  further  interference  in  the  war. 

In  1448  Philip  attempted  to  impose  a  new  tax  on 
salt,  by  his  own  will  and  without  the  consent  of  the 
Estates.  The  people  of  Ghent  took  energetic  steps 
in  defence  of  their  liberties.  After  a  struggle  of  four 
years'  duration,  Ghent  was  reduced  to  submission 
was  heavily  fined  and  deprived  of  many  of  its  ancient 
privileges.  "The  Flemish  city  which  had  long  been 
the  centre  of  Flemish  liberties,  now  fell  under  a 
heavy  and  humiliating  yoke."  I  refer  to  these  facts, 
in  order  to  show  that  as  the  Netherlands  were  united 
under  one  sovereign,  the  liberties  which  had  been 
granted  to  them  were  imperilled.  Meanwhile  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  had  striven  to  raise  a  party  on  his 
own  side  among  the  nobles,  by  instituting  the  Order 
of  the  Golden  Fleece. 


h 
< 

C 

U' 

U 

c 


L\SUKKECriO.\   OF    THE    FLEMISH    TOWNS,       31 

entry  into  Bruges,  partly  by  negotiation,  partly  by 
a  display  of  force,  the  insurrection  broke  out.  For 
a  time  the  duke  was  confined  in  the  cit)-,  and  was 
in  great  danger.  He  escaped  however,  blockaded 
the  city,  and  with  it  put  a  stop  to  Memish  commerce. 
At  last  half-starved  and  ruined  for  a  time,  with  the 
loss  of  20,000  persons  b\-  famine  and  pestilence,  the 
city  surrendered,  paid  an  enormous  fine  to  their  duke, 
and  practically  yielded  their  municipal  privileges  to 
his  discretion.  The  Flemings  were  beginning  t'^o  find 
that  their  prosperity  was  risked  on  the  intrigues  of 
royal  and  princely  persons.  ]^ut  for  some  time  Philip 
abstained  from  further  interference  in  the  war. 

In  144.S  Philip  attempted  to  impose  a  new  tax  on 
salt,  by  his  own  will  and  without  the  consent  of  the 
Estates.  The  people  of  Ghent  took  energetic  steps 
in  defence  of  their  liberties.  After  a  struggle  of  four 
years'  duration,  Ghent  was  reduced  to  submission 
was  heavily  fined  and  deprived  of  many  of  its  ancient 
privileges.  "The  Memish  city  which  had  long  been 
the  centre  of  Flemish  liberties,  now  fell  under  a 
heavy  and  humiliating  yoke."  I  refer  to  these  facts, 
in  order  to  show  that  as  the  Netherlands  were  united 
under  one  sovereign,  the  liberties  which  had  been 
granted  to  them  were  i.nperilled.  Meanwhile  the 
Duke  of  Hurgnnd)-  had  striven  to  raise  a  party  on  his. 
own  side  among  the  nobles,  by  instituting  the  Order 
of  the  Golden  Fleece. 


J 


IV. 


CHARLES   Tin:   IIKADSTkt^XG. 


PlllLll',  misnamed  the  Good,  that  crafty,  splendid, 
thrifty  duke,  (h'ed  in  146;,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son,  well  named  Charles  the  I  leadstronc,^  le  Teme- 
raire).  The  father  bei,Mn  to  dcstn^)-  the  liberties  of 
the  Netherlands  ;  the  son  completed  the  work— the 
one  with  caution,  the  other  with  ferocious  brutality. 
Philip  had  practically  held  the  balance  between 
En<,dand  and  iMance.  His  alliance  had  almost 
secured  the  conciuest  of  hVancc  by  the  ICn-iish,  his 
defection  had  secured  France  to  the  I^'ench.  ]^ut 
he  had  done  too  much  harm  to  France  to  be  really 
trusted  b>'  the  liench  kin«,^  and  too  much  service 
to  be  ever  adetjuately  compensated.  In  the  later 
years  of  his  life  he  had  <;iven  an  asylum  to  the 
Dauphin,  afterwards  Louis  XI..  between  whom  and 
his  father  the  deepest  and  most  natund  distrust 
existed.  Louis  XF.,  who  became  kuv^  o[  France  in 
1461,  played  with  matchless  cuimin--  a-.unst  the 
violence  of  his  quondam  friend,  Charles,  as  soon  as  he 
succeeded  to    his  dukedom,   baffled  all    his    projects, 


CHARLES  AIMS  AT   THE   SOVEREIGNTY. 


33 


enticed  him  to  his  ruin,  and  appropriated  the  French 
l)rovinces  of  his  onl)'  daughter  and  heir. 

The  principal  object  which  Charles  had  before  him 
was  to  make  himself  a  king,  the  monarch  of  a  long 
tract  of  country  which  stretched  from  the  German 
Ocean  to  the  Mediterranean.  To  this  object  he  clung 
with  a  tenacity  of  purpose  which  characterized  no 
other  of  his  projects.  But  he  held  his  dominions 
under  two  overlords.  The  Emperor  of  Germany 
had  nominal  rights  over  the  Netherlands,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  Europe  of  that  time,  and  for  a  long 
time  after,  was  the  sole  manufacturer  of  new  kincrs. 
Perhaps  he  might  have  succeeded  in  negotiating  the 
matter  with  Frederic  the  Third,  called  the  Lazy,  wlio 
ruled  over  the  German  luiipire  for  fifty-three  years, 
only  he  thought  the  emperor's  son  not  good  enough 
for  his  daughter,  to  whom  indeed  she  was  married 
after  the  death  of  Charles. 

l^ut  he  had  another  sort  of  person  to  deal  with  in 
Louis  the  Crafty.  For  three  centuries  the  French 
kings  had  been  engaged  persistently  in  securing  their 
dominion  over  the  whole  of  France,  and  in  putting 
down  the  arrogance  of  their  nobles.  Philip  Augustus 
had  deprived  John  of  half  his  continental  possessions, 
and  would  have  expelled  him  from  the  whole,  only 
John's  mother  being  still  alive,  he  could  not  deprive 
her  of  her  inheritance.  Charles  W,  called  the  Wise, 
had  completed  the  conquest.  Two  generations  after- 
wards, and  the  English  kings  had  not  only  regained 
their  ancient  possessions,  but  had  even  been  called  to 
the  French  throne.  Again  had  they  been  expelled, 
just  before  Louis  the  Crafty  had  come  to  the  throne. 


31 


THE   HOUSE   OF  BURGUNDY. 


fie  was  not  likely  to  allow  the  fundamental  principle 
of  the  French  monarchy,  viz.,  to  assimilate  and  unite 
to  France  all  that  was  or  had  been  French  territor>', 
to  be  set  at  naught. 

There  was  nothing  which  Louis  would  not  promise 
or  swear.      [lis  promises  cost  him  nothing  to  break  as 
soon  as  he  could  break  them  with  safety.     His  oath 
was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  both  were  worth  nothing. 
Curious  inquirers  speculated  on  what  oath  would  bind 
his  conscience,  and  professed  to  have  discovered  it  in 
a  particular  title  of  the  Virgin   Mary.     Hut  there  is 
grave  doubt  on  this  subject.     Now  what  could  a  wild 
headstrong  duke,  who  took  counsel   with  nothinir  but 
his  own  passions,  and  turned  everything  to  the  objects 
of  his  personal  ambition,  do  against  this  c^ul,  crafty, 
perfidious    monarch,   on    whom    no    law,    human    or 
divine,  had    any  binding    force,  who  saw   so   clearly 
through  his  rival's  designs  and  could  turn   even  his 
successes  against  him  ?    The  French  nobles  stirred  uj) 
the  war  of  the  Public  good,  and  Charles  took  their 
part.     He  vanquished  Louis  at  the  battle  of  Mont- 
Ihery  (1465)  and   Louis  gained  all  the  advantages  of 
victory.     In  1468,  Louis  took  the  unaccountable  step 
of  throwing  himself  into  the  power  of  his  enemy.     As 
he  was  at  Peronne  news  came  of  the  risinii  of  Lie'^e 
and  he  was  imprisoned.     He  had  to  make  terms  with 
his  foe  ;  he  seemed  to  be  vanquished,  but  he  came  out 
in  the  end  victorious. 

The  ambition,  the  wars,  the  prodigality  of  Charles 
left  him  no  resource  but  to  pillage  the  Netherlands. 
His  pride,  his  insolence,  his  ferocity,  displayed  in 
childhood  before    Bruges,  led   him  to  oppress   them. 


I 


RIVALRY  OF   THE  FLEMISH   TOWNS. 


35 


He  could  not  endure  the  appearance  of  resistance  to 
his  will,  or  even  the  possibility  of  it.  He  centralized 
a  despotism  in  Holland,  governed  the  country  by  his 
deputies,  and  taxed  it  at  his  pleasure.  He  removed 
its  supreme  court  from  the  Hague  to  Mechlin,  where 
the  Court  would  be  under  his  control,  and  he  main- 
tained a  standing  army  against  the  liberties  of  the 
states. 

The  unfortunate  constitution  of  the  Netherlanders, 
destined  through  the  war  of 
independence,  and  for  cen- 
turies afterwards  to  induce 
weakness  in  their  counsels, 
and  disunion  among  them- 
selves, aided  the  projects  of 
Charles,  as  it  did  that  of 
Margaret,  of  Alva,  of  Re- 
quesens,  of  Parma. 

The  Flemish  towns  were 
practically  little  republics, 
though  not  so  in  form.  They 
were  busy,  energetic,  popu- 
lous. But  except  in  the  fact  minaret. 
that  they  were  eager  to  vindicate  their  privileges,  they 
had  no  other  common  purpose.  Flanders  had  no 
national  unity  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  several  cities  were 
isolated,  suspicious,  and  jealous  of  each  other.  It  even 
seems  that  their  commerical  rivalry  was  so  keen  from 
time  to  time,  as  to  make  one  city  such  as  Ghent  or 
Bruges  contented  or  even  pleased  at  the  depression 
or  even  ruin  of  the  other.  A  shrewd  and  active  despot 
could  therefore  destroy  the  liberties  of  the  Nether- 


I 


36 


THE   HOUSE   OF   BURGUNDY. 


lands,  by  attacking  the  cities  in  detail,  bcin^^  pretty 
sure  that  the  imperilled  liberties,  say  of  l^rui^es,  would 
not  seriously  awaken  the  sympathies  or  secure  the 
active  assistance  of  Ghent. 

Ai,^ain,  though  this  mischief  was  not  developed  till 
a  later  da\',  the  Netherlanders  suffered  from  the  mis- 
fortune  of  a  titled  and  powerful  aristocrac\',  which 
though  often  turbulent,  was  extrava-.ml.  \i.»lciit,  .nul 
treacherous.  We  shall  sec  when  we  part  company 
with  the  ten  obedient  provinces,  and  confme  ourselves 
entirely  to  the  history  of  Holland,  that  the  folly,  the 
extravagance,  and  the  treachery  of  the  Flemish  nobles 
was  a  princi[)al  factor  in  the  imperfect  success  of 
William  of  Orange  and  his  enerjjctic  son.  In  the 
struggle  which  the  Italian  republics  made  for  liberty, 
it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  n(^bles  could  not  be 
trusted.  They  were  therefore  excluded  from  all  share 
in  the  government.  In  course  of  time  the  Morentines 
went  further,  and  got  rid  of  a  turbulent,  treacherous, 
or  dangerous  citizen,  by  putting  him  into  the  ranks  of 
the  nobility  and  thereby  effacing  him.  It  would  have 
been  well  for  the  Netherlands  had  such  a  policy  been 
adopted  in  their  estates. 

At  first,  Charles  the  Headstrong  treated  his  Memish 
subjects  with  greater  kindness  than  any  of  their 
previous  overlords.  His  father,  as  has  been  stated 
above,  declared  himself  free  from  the  obi  illations  of 
his  predecessors,  and  from  the  conditions  under  which 
he  had  entered  into  their  inheritance.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  the  emissaries  of  Louis  the  Craft v  stirred 
up  the  Netherlanders  to  demand  the  restoration  of 
their  privileges.      He  wished  to  find  his  most  danger- 


REBELLION   AMD   PUNISHMENT   OF  LIEGE.       ^y 

ous  enemy  employment,  and  to  prevent  him  from 
meddling  again  in  the  affairs  of  France.  Rut  at  first 
Charles  disa|)p()inted  him.  He  was,  to  be  sure, 
secretly  indignant  with  the  people  of  Ghent,  on 
account  of  the  danger  they  had  put  him  in,  and  the 
l)romises  they  constrained  him  to  make.  However, 
he  confirmed  the  privileges  of  the  towns  to  Ghent,  to 
Brussels,  to  Brabant,  to  Antwerp,  to  Malincs.  and  to 
a  host  of  others. 

This  moderation  did  not  last  long.     The  people  of 
Lieg-  rebelled  and  were  subdued.     Charles  deprived 
them  of  their  municipal  rights,  and  forced  the  other 
Mennsh  cities  to  surrender  theirs.    I  le  superseded  their 
magistrates,    and  exacted   taxes   from   them   without 
waiting  for  their  consent,  or  respecting  their  refusal. 
The  burghers  of  Liege  broke  out  with  a  new  rebellion, 
and  that  at  the  moment  when  Louis  the  Crafty,  who 
was  charged,  perhaps  justly,  with  having  roused  this 
revolt,  was  in  the  power  of  Ciiarles  at  Peronne,  a  place 
where  Charles  the  Simple,  a  former  king  of  France, 
had  been  imprisoned  and  murdered  560  years  before. 
Vur  a  time  it  was  feared  that  Charles  would  follow 
the    ancient   precedent.      Hut  he  took  counsel,  com- 
l)elled   Louis   to    accept  humiliating  conditions,  and, 
among  other  particulars,  to  renounce  all  sovereignty 
over  the  French  provinces  of  the  duchy  of  Burgundy, 
and  all  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands. 
Louis  was  forced  to  comply,  and  even  to  take  part  in 
the  punishment  of  Liege.     From  henceforth  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  found  no  obstacle  to  his  projects  against 
the  liberties  of  the  Netherlanders,  and  in  particular  he 
established  a  complete  military  despotism  in  Holland. 


3S 


THE   HOUSE   OF  BURGUNDY, 


At  last  Charles  the  Ileadstron^cj  quarrelled  with  the 
Swiss.  He  had  appointed  one  Haij^cinbach  as  his 
deputy  in  a  district  of  Alsace  which  was  frequented 
by  Swiss  merchants.  The  deputy  plundered  them, 
and  Charles  paid  no  attention  to  the  complaints  of 
the  Swiss  envoys.  In  1474,  the  inhabitants  of  l^risach 
captured  Ilagembach,  tried  him,  and  executed  him. 
On  November  13th,  they  first  came  into  collision 
with  the  Bur<,nmdians,  near  Hericourt,  and  routed 
them  decisively. 

Charles    did    not    attack    them    in  person  till   the 
beginnin<T  of  the  year   1476.     On   March  3rd,  he  met 
them    at    Granson,    near    the    Lake   of    Neufchatel. 
When  the  battle  had  ra^^^ed  near  six  hours,  when  no 
impression  had  been  made  on  the  mountaineers,  and 
some  of  the  best  of  the   l^ur<^^undian   captains    had 
fallen,  the  mist  which  hung  over  the  battle  rose,  and 
the  astonished  army  of  Charles  saw  the  second  division 
of  the  Swiss  peasants  descending  upon  them,  fresh  and 
eager  for  the  fight.     A  panic  seized  the  Hurgundian 
army;  Charles  himself  was  hurried  away  in  the  rout, 
and  all  his  treasure  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Swiss. 
His  diamonds,  we  are  told,  were  sold  by  the  captors 
for  trifling  sums.     They  imagined  that  his  vessels  of 
gold  and   silver  were  copper  and  tin.     Of  these  dia- 
monds the  three    largest   came   ultimately  into   the 
possession  of   the   Pope,  the   Emperor  of  Germany, 
and  the  King  of  France,  and  are  still  in  the  tiara  and 
crowns  of  these  potentates. 

The  soldiers  of  Charles,  whom  he  summoned  to 
his  standard  by  the  threat  of  punishing  them  as 
deserters,  reassembled  at  Lausanne,  and  marched  to 


f 


CHARLES  DIES  IN  BATTLE  AGAINST  THE  SWISS,   39 

IVTorat,  near  Ikrne.  Thither  the  Swiss  confederates 
al.so  marched.  On  June  22nd,  the  battle  was  joined, 
and  the  Swiss  again  defeated  Charles,  with  immense 
slaughter.  Charles  again  had  to  fly,  and  did  not  draw 
bridle  till  he  reached  the  Lake  of  Geneva: 

He  was  beside  himself  with  rage,  and  henceforth 
his  actions  were  those  of  a  madman.     He  had  been 
twice  beaten  by  peasants  whom  he  despised,  and  had 
lost  his  treasures  and  artillery.     The  rich  cities  of  the 
Netherlands  could  make  good  his  losses,  and  he  re- 
solved on  a  third   attempt.      On   October  22nd,   he 
undertook  the  siege  of  Nancy.     On  Christmas  Day 
the  Swiss  marched  to  relieve  it.     On  January  5th,  he 
met  his  enemies  and  perished.     Two  days  afterwards 
his  body  was  discovered,  or  was  thought  to  be  dis- 
covered, amid  a  heap  of  slain,  and  fro/xn  into  a  muddy 
stream.     The  end  of  no  person  in  that  age  was  more 
tragic.     He  seemed  at  one  time  to  be  the  foremost 
man  in  I^urope. 

Louis  the  Crafty  at  once  despoiled  his  daughter  of 
her  French  possessions,  and  wished  to  get  the  guar- 
dianship of  her  and  her  patrimony  in  the  Ne^ther- 
lands.  But  the  Netherlanders  knew  the  old  fox  too 
well  by  this  time.  They  thought  that  they  might 
recover  their  liberties  from  her  ;  they  knew  that  his 
rule  would  be  even  worse  than  that  of  Charles. 


I 


V. 


MARY   OF   DURGUXDV. 

WlIEX  tyrants  come  to  violent  de.itlis,  there  is 
constantly  a  belief,  enn^endered  of  terror,  that  they 
are  not  dead  after  all,  but  that  they  will  reappear,  to 
take  vengeance  on  those  who  have  rejoiced  at  their 
fate.  For  a  long  time  there  was  a  persistent  belief 
in  ancient  Rome  that  Nero  was  not  dead.  Vov  six  or 
seven  years  many  in  the  Netherlands  dreaded  the  re- 
appearance of  Charles  the  Headstrong. 

Rut  most  men  were  convinced  of  his  death.  The 
Netherlanders  took  advantage  of  it  at  once,  and 
claimed  even  more  than  their  own  liberties.  They 
knew^  that  the  old  f(x\',  who  had  already  occupied 
Burgundy,  was  gaping  wide  for  their  country.  They 
were  willing  to  assist  Mary  in  retaining  her  inheri- 
tance in  the  Low  Countries.  So  the  Instates  were 
summoned  to  Ghent  in  this  hour  of  supreme  danger. 
Of  course  money  was  demanded,  now  with  some 
reason.  There  was  remonstrance  indeed,  for  the 
States  declare  that  they  are  impoverished  by  enor- 
mous taxation  and  ruinous  wars— taxation   levied   in 


''GREAT  PRIVILEGE''   GRANTED   TO   HOLLAND.    4I 

defiance  of  their  charters— wars  undertaken  without 
their  consent. 

In    answer  to  these  demands,   Mary   granted    the 
"Great  Privilege,"  the  Magna  Charta  of  the  Nether- 
lands.    It  was  this  constitution  which  Mary's  grand- 
son violated,  which  the  Netherlanders  took  up  arms 
to  recover  and  maintain,    which  Holland  fought  for 
during  more  than  fifty  years,  and  finally  secured.     It 
provided  that  offices  should  be  filled  by  natives  only ; 
that  the  Great  Council  and  Supreme  Court  of  Hol- 
land should  be  re  established,  and  should  be  a  court 
of  appeal,  having  no  jurisdiction  over  the  other  tri- 
bunals ;    that  the  cities  and  estates  should  hold  diets 
when  they  chose  ;    that  no  new  taxes  should  be  im- 
posed without  the  consent  of  the  estates  ;    that    no 
war  should  be  undertaken  without  the  consent  of  the 
estates  ;   that  the  language  of  the  people  should  be 
used  in  all  public  and  legal  documents;  that  the  seat 
of  government  should   be  at   the    Hague;    that    the 
Kstates  should  alone  regulate  the  currency,  and  that 
the   sovereign    should     come    in    person    before    the 
Estates  when  supply  was  required.     The  Estates  also 
took  care  tliat  the  citizens  should  be  protected  against 
arbitrary  imprisonment. 

The  constitution  of  the  Netherlands,  repeated  in  all 
the  States,  is  the  freest  and  fullest  which  any  country 
had  attained  to  or  preserved.  Perhaps  when  Mary 
granted  it,  and  promised  to  keep  it,  she  meant  what 
she  did  and  said.  Put  whether  it  was  that  she  be- 
thought herself  of  that  common  doctrine  of  princes  in 
those  days,  that  subjects  have  no  rights  against  their 
rulers,  that  rulers  are  not  bound  to  speak  the  truth,  or 


42 


MARY  OF  BLRGLWDY. 


MAXIMILIAN   THE   PAUPER. 


keep  their  word,  a  doctrine  by  no  means  dead  even  in 
our  days  ;  or  whether  she  was  persuaded  that  she  had 
derogated  from  her  dignity  in  granting  what  her 
father  had  tyrannously  withheld,  it  is  certain  that 
she  or  her  counsellors  intrigued  with  the  old  French 
fox. 

Louis  thought   it  would  pay  better  to  betray  her 
counsellors,  and   to   furnish   the   fact  that   they  were 
traitors  to  their  country,  to  their  colleagues,  and  to 
the   Great  Privilege.      So  it  came  out.      They  were 
seized    in    Ghent,  instantly  tried    and    instantly    be- 
headed.    The    duchess   clad    in    mourning,    weeping, 
with  her  hair  dishevelled,  and  on   foot,  besouirht  the 
burghers  to  spare  their  lives.     It  was  in  vain.     The 
citizens  were  not  content  to  accept  her  apologies,  for 
they  had  gained  their  privileges,  and  were  near  losing 
them.     The  distress  of  Mary  has  claimed  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  sentimental.     Hut  it  is  one  of  the  most 
inevitable   and    disheartening    results    of    hereditary 
rank,  that  it  breeds  hereditary  lackeys.     One  result, 
however,  came  out   of  the  old  fox's  perfidy.     Mary 
would  have  none  of  his,  or  those  who  were  allied  to 
him. 

She  married  Maximilian  of  Hapsburg,  son  and 
successor  of  iMcderic  the  Sleepy,  and  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Netherlandcrs.  Maximilian  was  a  kin<^ 
soon  to  be  an  emperor,  with  vast  necessities  and 
narrow  means.  He  became  from  time  to  time  the 
pensioner  and  the  tool  of  most  of  the  Western  kines- 
He  was  ever  on  the  look  out  for  money,  whatever  the 
source  might  be  signifying  little  to  him,  and  whatever 
the  conditions    might    be   of  procuring   it.     But   his 


43 


I 


father  lived  fourteen  years  after  he  married  Mary,  and 
she  had  died  nine  years  before  her  husband  was 
emperor. 

Five  years  after  her  marriage  ]\Tary  of  Burgundy  died 
from  a  fall  off  her  horse,  and  her  son  Philip  succeeded 
her,  being  then  four  years  old.     Maximilian  claimed 
to  be  the  guardian  of  his  son,  and  the  governor  of  the 
country.     But  the  Flemings  refused  this  arrangement, 
probably  because  they  had  a  tolerably  clear   idea  as 
to   how  the    King  of  the    Romans   could    fulfil    the 
functions   of    ruler.       In    1488    Maximilian    tried    to 
surprise  Ikuges,  where  the  young  Duke  was  residing. 
Unlucky  for  him  he  was  made  prisoner  himself,  had 
to  submit  to  terms,  and  -^Ive  hostages.   Unfortunately 
the   Hollanders,  and  some  of  the  other  cities,   were 
more  concerned  for  the  young  Duke  than   they  were 
for  their   liberties,  and    left    Bruges  to  struggle  alone 
with  the  King  of  the  Romans.     Maximilian  borrowed 
an  army  from  his  father,  conquered  the  cities  in  detail, 
revoked  the  Great  Privilege,  slew  the  burghers  of  the 
towns,  and   fined   the  inhabitants  for  asserting  their 
un  luestioned  rights.     During  the  time  of  his  regency, 
Maximilian  the  Pauper  made  every  use  he  could  of 
his   opportunities,  and  the  Netherlands  had  to  bear 
the  consequences. 

In  1494,  Philip,  now  seventeen  years  of  a<Te,  be- 
came sovereign  of  the  Netherlands.  But  he\'ould 
only  swear  to  maintain  the  privileges  granted  by  his 
grandfather  and  great-grandfather,  Charles  and  Philip, 
and  refused  to  acquiesce  in  the  Great  Privilege  of  his 
mother.  The  Estates  acquiesced.  For  a  time,  P>ies- 
land,  the  outl\ing  province  of  Holland,  was  severed 


I 

1 


44 


MARY  OF  BURGUNDY, 


THE   SPANISH  DYNASTY. 


45 


from  It.  It  was  free,  and  it  chose  as  its  elective 
sovereign  the  Duke  of  Saxony.  After  a  time  he  sold 
his  sovereignty  to  the  house  of  Ilapsburg.  The 
dissensions  of  the  Estates  had  put  them  at  the  mercy 
of  an  autocratic  family. 

Philip  of  Burgundy,  in  1496,  married  Joanna, 
daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  In  1500  his 
son  Charles  was  born,  who  was  afterwards  Charles 
the  Fifth,  Duke  of  the  Netherlands,  but  also  Kin^  of 
Spain,  Emperor  of  Germany,  King  of  Jerusalem,  and, 
by  the  grant  of  Alexander  the  Sixth,  alias  Roderic 
Borgia  and  Pope,  lord  of  the  whole  new  world. 
Joanna,  his  mother,  through  whom  he  had  this  vast 
inheritance,  went  mad,  and  remained  mad  durinir  her 
life  and  his.  Charles  not  only  inherited  his  mother's 
and  father's  sovereignties,  but  his  grandfather's  also. 
No  wonder  that  he  aspired  to  universal  dominion, 
and  that  his  son  Philip  of  Spain  laboured  during  his 
whole  life  to  secure  it. 

The  peril  which  the  liberties  of  the  Netherlands 
were  now  running  was  greater  than  ever.  They  had 
been  drawn  into  the  hands  of  that  dynasty  which, 
beginning  with  two  little  Spanish  kingdoms,  had  in 
a  generation  developed  into  the  mightiest  of  mon- 
archies. Ferdinand  married  Isabella.  He  was  kin<r 
of  the  little  kingdom  of  Arragon,  she  heiress  of 
Castile.  They  had  two  daughters,  Joan  who  married 
Philip  of  the  Netherlands,  Catherine  who  married 
first  Arthur,  and  afterwards  flenry  of  England. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  conquered  the  whole  of 
Spain  and  in  a  way  united  it.  The  (|uecn  aided 
Columbus  in  his  discovery  of  America.     The    Pope 


I 


Alexander  the  Sixth,  himself  a  Spaniard  by  descent, 
bestowed   by  his  Bull,  the  whole  of  America,  /..'.,  the 
West  of  the  Atlantic  on  Si)ain,  and  the  whole  of  the 
Kdst  of  the  Atlantic    on   Portugal     There  was   just 
this  excuse  for  Alexander's   Bull,  that   Portugal  and 
Spain  were  the  pioneers  at  the  time  of  maritime  dis- 
covery in  the  l^:ast  and  West  respectively  ;  for  Spanish 
enteri)rise  discovered  the  new  world,  Portuguese  en- 
terprise doubled  the  Cape  of  Good   Hope.     As  yet, 
however,  no  one   anticipated  what  these  discoveries 
and    grants    would  lead  to.     Moreover,  though  with 
growing  hesitation,  Europe  still  respected  the  authority 
of  the  Pope,  and  did  not  feel  inclined  to  question  his 
grants  of  sovereignty  over  distant  countries. 


WINDMILL. 


CHARLES   V. 


VI. 


ClIAkLKS,   COUNT  OF   FLAXDKkS   AND   EMPKKoR. 

Charles  succeeded  his  father  Phih'p  as  Count  of 
Flanders  \n    1506.     His  father,  Philip  the  Handsome, 
was  at  l^uroros  in  Castile,  where  he  was  attacked  by 
fever,  and  died  when  only  twenty-eight  years  of  acre. 
Ten  years  afterwards  Charles  became  King  of  Spain 
(1516).     When  he  was  nineteen  years  of  age  (1519) 
he   was    elected    emperor.     The   three  natbns    over 
whom    he   was    destined    to    rule    hated    each    other 
cordially.     There  was  antipathy  from   the  beginning 
between  Flemings  and  Spaniards.     The  Netherlandt 
nobles  were  detested  in  Spain,  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Low   Countries    were  equally  abhorred.     Again    the 
Spaniards  entreated  Charles  not  to  accept  his  election 
to    the  German  throne.     Charles  had   employed  his 
Flemish  nobles  in  Spain,  and  they  had  disgusted  the 
Spaniards    by   their   ambition    and    rapacity.       The 
Spaniards  feared  that    they   would    become    a    mere 
outl)'ing  province  of  the  German    Empire,   and    be 
plundered  by  German  adventurers. 

Charles  was  born  in  Flanders,  and  during  his  whole 


1 


CllAKLhb   V. 


VI. 


CIIAkl.KS,   roi'NT   OV    ILANDKUS   AM)    KMPI.RoR. 

CllAki.Ms  succeeded  his  father  Thih'p  as  Count  of 
Flanders  in    1506.      His  father,  Philip  the  Handsome, 
was  at   Bur-OS  \n  Castile,  where  he  was  attacked  by 
fever,  and  ch'ed  when  only  t\\enty-ei<;ht  years  of  age. 
Ten  years  afterwards  Charles  became  Kin-  of  Spain 
(i5t6>.     W'iu-n   he  was  nineteen  years  of  ai;e     1519) 
he    was    elected    emperor.      'I'he    three   nations    over 
whom    he    was    destined    to    rule    hated    each    other 
cordially.     There  was  antipathy  from    the  be-innino- 
between  Menn'nos  and   Spaniards.     The   Xetherland's 
nobles  were  detested  in   Spain,  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Low    Countries    were  equallx'  abhorred.     Again    the 
Spaniards  entreated  Charles  n..t  to  accept  his  election 
to    the  German  throne.     Charles  had   employed  his 
I^'Iemish  nobles  In  Spain,  and   they  had  disgusted  the 
Spaniards    by    their    ambition    and     rapacity.        The 
Spaniards  feared   that    they   would    become    a    mere 
outlying   province  of   the  (German    h:mi)ire,    and    be 
plundered  by  Cierman  adventurers. 

Ciiarles  was  born  in  Manders,  and  during  his  whole 


i 


48   CHARLES,  COUNT   OF   FLANDERS   AND   EMPEROR. 

career  was  much  more  a  Flcmin;^  th  in  .1  Sp  iniard. 
This  did  not,  however,  prcv^ent  him  from  coiisiderin<^ 
his  Flemish  subjects  as  mainly  destined  to  su[)i)ly  his 
wants,  and  submit  to  his  exactions.  11  j  was  always 
hard  pressed  for  monj\'.  The  Germ  m-^  were  poor 
and  turbulent.  The  conquest  and  subjection  of  the 
Moorish  population  in  Spain  had  seriously  injured 
the  industrial  wealth  of  that  country.  But  the  Flem- 
ings were  increasing  in  riches,  particuhuiy  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Ghent  They  had  to  supply  the  funds  which 
Charles  required  in  order  to  carry  out  the  operations 
which  his  necessities  or  his  policy  rendered  urgent. 
He  had -been  taught,  and  he  readily  believed,  that 
his  subjects'  money  was  his  own. 

Now  just  as  Charles  had  come  to  the  empire,  two 
circumstances  had  occurred  which  have  had  a  lasting 
influence  over  the  affairs  of  Western  Kurope.  The 
first  of  these  was  the  conquest  of  Ivgypt  by  the  Turks 
under  Selim  I.  (1512-20).  The  second  was  the  revolt 
from  the  authority  of  the  Papacy  in  Germany. 

Egypt  had  for  nearl\-  two  centuries  been  the  only 
route  by  which  Kastern  produce,  so  much  valued  by 
l^uropean  nations,  could  reach  the  consumer.  The 
road  through  Russia  had  been  blocked  b\'  the  con- 
quest of  Russia  by  the  Tartars.  The  roads  through 
Central  Asia  had  been  similarly  obstructed  by  the 
savages  who  had  overrun  and  destroyed  the  ancient 
civilization  of  that  region.  There  remained  only  the 
sea  passage  from  India  to  the  Red  Sea,  a  short 
caravan  journey  from  the  western  shore  of  that  sea 
to  the  Nile,  alid  the  transit  thence  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean.    But  the  trade,  of  which  the    Nile  was  the 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   EGYPTIAN    TRADE.        49 

carrier,  was  not  the  only  important  fact  in  the  trade 
of  Kgypt.  There  were  flourishing  manufactures  in 
Alexandria  and  Cairo.  In  particular,  sugar  was 
cultivated,  extracted,  and  refined  in  the  former  town, 
with  such  success  and  abundance  that  its  price  fell, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  to  less  than 
an  eighth  of  what  it  stood  at  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fifteenth. 

Now  this  trade,  trifling  to  be  sure  to  our  present 
experience,  was    of   the  highest    importance    to    the 
trading  towns  of  Italy,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Nether- 
lands.    It  was  the  source  of  nearly  all  their  wealth 
to   Venice,    Genoa,    and    Florence,    to    Nurembero" 
Coblentz,  Cologne,  and  Bruges,  and  a  hundred  other 
towns.     The  decay  of  the  Italian  cities  immediately 
commenced,  and  that  of  the  German  towns  followed. 
The  presence  of   the  Turk   in    Fgypt    immediately 
caused   the   ruin  of  all  its   manufactures    and   trade. 
The  risk  of  their  invasion  was  the  principal  stimulant 
of  the  voyages  which  were  undertaken  by  Columbus 
and  Vasco  di  Gairia. 

The  destruction  of  the  r:gyptian  trade  produced 
serious  effects  in  Southern  Germany.  The  German 
nobles,  infinite  in  number,  for  titles  descended  to  all 
the  offspring  of  ennobled  persons,  had  improved  their 
incomes  by  entering  into  the  guilds  and  sharing  the 
profits  of  the  burghers.  When  the  profits  fell  off, 
because  the  trade  dried  up,  they  strove  to  compensate 
themselves  by  taxing  their  peasants.  This  led  to  the 
peasants'  war,  its  frightful  excesses,  and  its  relentless 
suppression.  The  German  peasant  was  thereafter  as 
much  oppressed  as  the  French  roturier  was. 


50   CHARLES,   COUNT  OF  FLANDERS  AND  EMPEROR. 

So  the  Flemish  towns  which  had  engaged  in  the 
Eastern  trade  suffered.  But  the  Netherlands  had  two 
industries  which  saved  them  from  the  losses  which 
affected  the  Germans  and  Italians.  They  were  still 
the  weavers  of  the  world.  They  still  had  the  most 
successful  fisheries.  The  policy  which  led  Henry  the 
Seventh  of  England  to  grant  the  commercial  treaty, 
known  as  the  Great  Intercourse,  to  the  Flemish  towns 
was  maintained   by  his  successor.      It    was    at    first 

f___^_,^^_.^^_____^_^^__^    undertaken  in  order  to 
rid  England  of  the  per- 
—    —  ^^  petual  plots  which  were 

hatched  in  Flanders  by 
the  Yorkist  exiles ;  it 
was  continued,  because 
it  redounded  to  the 
manifest  benefit  of  both 
the  nations. 

The  other  cause  was 
the  revolt  acrainst  the 
papacy.  In  the  fifteenth 
century  the  power  of 
the  papacy  was  greatly 
weakened,  and  the  sove- 
reigns of  Europe,  who,  a  few  generations  before,  had 
trembled  at  the  Pope's  threat,  now  undertook  to  set 
his  house  in  order  by  means  of  general  councils.  But, 
as  soon  as  they  had  established  external  decency  and 
unity  in  the  Church,  they  saw  that  the  Poi)e  might 
become  the  invaluable  ally  of  despotism.  They  wished 
to  strengthen  their  own  authority  over  nobles  and 
people,  and  they  obtained  in  this  effort  the  assistance 


LOBSTER   NET. 


POWER   OF   THE   POPE   LW  EUROPE, 


51 


of  Rome.  lUit  they  had  no  mind  to  dissent  from  the 
doctrine  of  the  Church,  or  to  allow  their  subjects  to 
do  so  either.  They  formulated  the  doctrine  that  the 
subject  should  be  of  the  religion  of  his  ruler,  and  they 
acted  on  the  theory  for  generations.  This  was  the 
principal  reason  why  the  European  sovereigns  insisted 
on  conformity,  and  visited  those  whom  they  were 
pleased  to  call  heretics  with  severer  punishments  than 
they  infiicted  on  traitors. 

It  ciyinot  be  by  accident  that  the  most  successfully 
industrious  j)arts  of  ICuiope  have  been,  with  but  one 
notable  exception,  hostile  to  the  established  religion. 
The  heresies  of  Toulouse,  the  most  prosperous  part  of 
Europe  in  the  twelfth  century,  were  the  first  occasion 
of  the  Inquisition,  and  were  rooted  out  with  fire  and 
sword.  \\]  ICngland  the  Norfolk  weavers  were  the 
principal  disciples  of  Wiklif,  and  more  men  and 
women  perished  in  that  county  by  the  stake,  than  in 
all  the  others  put  together.  Before  the  days  of  Luther 
and  Calvin  the  Flemish  spinners  and  weavers  were  con- 
stantly at  war  with  the  Church,  and  were  constantly 
exposed  to  its  wrath.  The  exception  is  Ital\'.  But 
Ita1\'.  though  it  constantly  quarrelled  with  the  Pope, 
was  notably  enriched  by  his  presence  and  by  the 
contributions  which  the  faithful  poured  into  his 
treasury. 

When  the  Reformation  was  an  accomplished  fact, 
it  took  two  forms— that  of  Luther  in  Germany  ;  tliat 
of  Calvin  in  the  Netherlands  and  France.  These 
sects  agreed  in  hostility  to  Rome,  but  differed  in 
nearly  everything  else,  till  at  last  Lutheran  and 
Calvinist  came  to  be  as  bitter  foes  to  each  other  as 


n 


M 


52   CHARLES,  COiWr   OF   IL.IXDKRS   AM)   EMPEROR, 

Rome  was  to  botli.     The  cause  of  this  is  not  far  to 
seek. 

Luther  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Rome,  but  practically 
transferred  the  authority  of  the  spiritual  to  the 
temporal  prince.  All  that  the  Pope  lost  the  Prince 
gained.  The  interests  of  rulers  and  the  doctrine  of 
the  divine  right  of  kings  were  served  by  the 
acceptance  of  Lutheranism.  The  subject's  allegiance 
was  not  divided  between  Pope  and  King,  but  trans- 
ferred as  a  whole  to  the  latter  When  Ilenrv  the 
Eighth  made  himself  supreme  head  of  the  Church,  he 
carried  out  to  a  logical  conclusion  Luther's  doctrine  in 
State  and  Church.  Hence,  though  there  was  no 
compromise  between  Rome  and  Luther  possible,  it 
was  very  possible  for  tem[)oral  sovereigns  to  accept 
Lutheranism,  and  to  profit  thereby.  Lutheranism 
became  the  State  religion  of  Northern  Germany, 
of  Scandinavia,  and  of  Denmark.  It  })owerfully 
affected  luigland,  though  it  was  not  accepted  there  in 
its  entirety. 

But  the  teaching  and  discipline  of  Calvin  was  essen- 
tially democratic,  even  republican.  The  mim'ster  of 
religion  was  a  i)reacher,  but  much  more  a  tribune  of 
the  people.  The  Calvim'st  hated  the  Pope,  but  he 
was  no  friend  to  king  or  noble.  Hence,  from  the  very 
fust,  there  was  war  between  King  and  Calvinist. 
"  No  bishop  no  king,"  said  James  the  First  of  luig- 
land,  himself  bred  under  a  Calvinist  discipline.  The 
French  Calvinists,  often  noble,  were  suspected,  and 
with  reason,  of  designs  against  the  monarchy.  The 
burghers  of  the  Netherlands  and  the  peasants  of 
Scotland    were    persecuted,   not    only    because    they 


CALVIMSTS   DISAVOW    '' DIVINE   RIGHTS.''       53 

disavowed  the  divine  right  of  priests,  but  because 
they  were  believed  to  discredit  the  divine  right  of 
kings.  The  Calvinist  enemy  of  the  Church  was  held 
to  be  the  Calvinist  advocate  of  a  democratic  republic. 
This  was  proved  in  Holland,  in  Kngland,  and  finally 
in  the  United  States.  Philip  the  Second  saw,  and 
avowed  that  he  saw  it,  that  the  success  of  the 
Calvim'st  preachers  would  not  only  be  the  destruction 
of  the  Church  which  he  clung  to,  but  of  his  own 
power,  which,  he  still  more  passionately  loved.  With 
similar  (objects,  his  great-grandfather,  Maximilian, 
wished  to  unite  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire  in  the 
same  person,  that  person  being  himself 

If  I'rasnuis  of  Rotterdam  had  possessed  the  coura^>-e 

of  Luther,   or   the  opinions  and   constructive  oeniui-: 

of  Calvin,    the    Reformation    would    have    begun    in 

Holland.      Hut  the  learned   man   was  too  timid.      He 

fled  from  the  storm  into  Switzerland,  and  died  there. 

Charles  was  not  slow  to  persecute  the  Reformers  in 

the    Netherlands,  though    he  had   to  temporise  with 

them  in  (jcrmany.     Put  the  former  countr}^  was  his 

patrimony  ;  in    the   latter   he    was    only    an    elective 

sovereign,  with  rights  limited  by  the  powers  of  the 

independent  i)rinces  of  the  empire,  and  he  therefore 

could  not  do  as  he  pleased.     Under  the  rule  of  his 

sister,    the    Dowager    of    Hungary,    Regent    of   the 

Netherlands,    the    persecution    of   the    sectaries    was 

organized  in  that  countr}-.     There  was  no  part  of  the 

world  in  which  so  many  persons  were  put  to  death 

for  their  religion  as  in  the  Netherlands. 

When  he  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  Charles  limited 
the  franchises  of  Ghent  by  the  document  known  as 


F.kASMUS. 


rXSVRRECTION  AND   CHASTISEMENT  OF  GHENT.   55 

the  Calfskin.  The  Great  Privilege  of  Mary  of  Bur- 
gundy had  been  already  abrogated  by  Maximilian. 
Now  Charles,  being  in  straits  in  1539,  demanded  a 
subsidy  of  1,200,000  florins  from  the  Netherlands, 
400,000  of  which  was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  citizens 
of  Ghent.  The  burghers  claimed  that  the  grant  could 
be  made  only  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Estates.  The  Emperor  was  carrying  on  war  in  France, 
in  Sicily,  and  in  Milan  at  once,  and  the  Netherlanders 
were  unwilling  to  contribute  to  a  war  in  the  conduct 
of  which  they  had  no  interests  whatever.  Even  the 
Spaiu'ards  resented  the  Emperor's  appeals  for  money. 
But  the  men  of  Ghent  broke  out  into  insurrection. 
They  offered  themselves  to  P'rancis  of  France,  who 
betrayed  their  correspondence  to  Charles.  So  Charles 
resolved  on  chastising  them.  They  did  not  resist  him 
on  his  approach.  He  entered  the  city,  kept  his  inten- 
tions secret  for  a  month,  and  then  solemnly  annulled 
all  the  charters,  privileges,  and  laws  of  the  city,  and 
confiscated  all  the  property  of  the  guilds  and  corpora- 
tions. He  exacted  the  subsidy  which  he  demanded, 
added  150,000  more  to  it,  and  imposed  a  fine  of  6,000 
florins  a  year  on  the  city  for  ever.  Of  course,  a 
number  of  persons  were  executed.  Finally,  he  sat  in 
judgment  on  the  famous  Bell  Roland,  the  tolling  of 
which  summoned  the  burghers  to  their  assemblies,  and 
ordered  it  to  be  immediately  taken  down.  Having 
destroyed  the  constitution,  having  fined  all  the  citizens 
and  executed  many,  he  forgave  Ghent,  because  he  was 
born  there. 


KkAsMUs. 


L\SCRRi:CTI()\  AND   ClIASTISEMEXT  OF  GIIliXT.   55 

the  Calfskin.  The  Great  Privilecrc  of  Marv  of  Bur- 
L^iiiuly  had  been  aheatly  abro^^ated  by  Maxiniih'an. 
\o\v  Cliarles,  bein,i^  in  straits  in  1539,  demanded  a 
subsidy  of  1, 200,000  tlorins  from  the  Netherlands, 
400,000  of  which  was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  citizens 
of  Ghent.  The  buri^hers  claimed  that  the  irrant  could 
be  made  only  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Instates.  The  l^mperor  was  carrying  on  war  in  France, 
in  Sicily,  and  in  Milan  at  once,  and  the  Netherlanders 
were  unwillinij^  to  contribute  to  a  war  in  the  conduct 
of  which  tile)'  had  no  interests  whatever.  Even  the 
Spaniards  resented  the  ICmperor's  appeals  for  money. 
J^ut  the  men  of  Ghent  broke  out  into  insurrection. 
'I'hey  offered  themselves  to  I-'rancis  of  h^ance,  who 
bctraved  their  correspondence  to  Charles.  So  Charles 
resolved  on  chastisin<'-  them.  Thev  did  not  resist  him 
on  his  approach,  lie  entered  the  city,  kept  his  inten- 
tions secret  for  a  month,  and  then  solemnly  annulled 
all  the  charters,  privileges,  and  laws  of  the  cit\',  and 
confiscated  all  the  property  of  the  guilds  and  corpora- 
tions. He  exacted  the  subsidy  which  he  demanded, 
added  150,000  more  to  it,  and  imposed  a  fine  of  6,000 
florins  a  year  on  the  city  for  ever.  Of  course,  a 
number  of  persons  were  executed.  Finall}-,  he  sat  in 
judgment  on  the  famous  Bell  Roland,  the  tolling:  of 
which  summoned  the  burghers  to  their  asseml)lies,  and 
ordered  it  to  be  immediately  taken  de>wn.  llavincj 
destroyed  the  constitution,  liaving  finetl  all  the  citizens 
and  executed  man)',  he  forgave  Ghent,  because  he  was 
born  there. 


! 


/ 


VII. 


THE  ACCESSroX   OE    PHILIP   OE  SPAIN. 

Cfiarlks  resigned  all  his  crowns  on  October  25, 
I555»  lie  bcinnr  then  between  rifty-five  and  fifty-six 
years  of  rctc.  The  ceremon\',  carefully  elaborated, 
took  place  in  the  i^rrcat  hall  of  the  palace  of  Hrussels! 
the  capital  of  the  Oiichy  of  Brabant.  Charles,' 
Philip,  and  Mary,  the  Dowa-er  Oiieen  of  Hiin^irary,' 
were  present,  the  last-named  havin^^r  acted  as  RcTgent 
of  the  Netherlands  and  the  instrument  of  Charles's 
government  for  twenty-six  years.  The  Kmperor  came 
into  the  hall,  leanin^r  on  the  arm  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  who  is  known  to  all  time  as  the  ever-famous 
William  the  Silent. 

It  was  a  most  brilliant  assemblage.  The  Knights 
of  the  Golden  Fleece,  an  order  instituted  b}-  Thilip 
the  Good,  were  present,  and  among  them,  or  with 
them,  were  those  Flemish  and  Holland  nobles  who 
were  destined  to  play  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the 
coming  struggle.  Besides  Orange,  the  father  of 
Dutch  freedom,  and  the  principal  personage  in  the 
long  struggle  which  was  soon  to  begin,  were  Horn 


riuLii*  11. 


) 


\  II 


Till     \(  (jissrov  oi'  iMiii  II'  or  ^i\i\ 


ClIAkli-  rcsiorird  all  his  cniwiis  on  (October  2^, 
1555.  '1*'  f)(M"ii!^r  then  Ix'twvrii  nrtx-fivi'  and  fifty-six 
years  of  a-c.  riu-  ccivtn.„iy,  carefully  clalx.ratcd, 
tor)k  pl.rr  u)  the  -rrat  hi!]  ..f  the  p.dace  of  Brussels, 
the    c.ipiial    of    the    Dikh  r     r>ral)ant.        Charles, 

IMiilip,  and  Mary,  the  Doua-er  (hieen  of  Ilunj^ary, 
were  i)resent,  the  last-named  havfn-  acted  as  Rc^rcnt 
of  the  X.-tlurlands  and  the  instrument  of  Charles's 
-ovurnmcnl  for  tuenty-six  years.  The  I'anpcror  came 
into  the  hall,  leanin-"  on  the  arm  of  the  Prine(«  of 
Oran-e,  who  is  kn..\vn  to  all  time  as  the  r\.  i-iamous 
William  tin-  Silrnt. 

It  was  a  most  brilliant  assembla-e.  The  Kni-hts 
of  the  'ioldrn  Mcece,  an  order  instituted  I.y  rhilij) 
the  Ciood,  vv(  IV  present,  and  anion-  them,  or  with 
them,  w(Mv  tho.r  Idcmish  and  II(»lland  nobles  who 
were  destined  to  play  so  conspicuous  a  part  \u  the 
comin-  stru--le.  Ik-sidcs  ()ran-e,  the  father  o( 
Dutch  freedom,  and  the  priiKa'pal  pers(M.a-c  in  the 
'*^'^^'  ^tru<^-le  which   was  soon   to  l)eL;in,  were   Horn 


I'lni.ii'  II. 


=;8 


THE   ACCESSION   UF  PHILIP   OF  SPAIN. 


THE   PRINCE   OF  ORANGE. 


59 


and  Egmont,  Bcrf^bcn,  and  Montigny,  the  Bishop  of 
Arras  (afterwards  Cardinal  Graiivelle),  Hredcrode, 
Noircarmes,  and  Vii^h'us.  Most  of  these  men — 
indeed,  most  of  those  who  were  witnesses  to  the 
abdication — were  to  perish  by  one  violent  death  or 
another  in  the  course  of  a  few  years. 

Charles  was  a  broken  man.  His  vigorous  const!- 
tution  had  yielded  to  the  excesses  of  his  life  and 
the  labours  of  his  long  career.  He-  was  such  a  victim 
to  gout  that  he  could  hardly  stand  without  assistance. 
The  deformity  of  the  lower  jaw,  which  he  inherited, 
and  which  reappeared  in  his  (k'scciidants,  and  was 
said  to  have  been  «>rii;inall\'  transiniltcd  to  the  Haps- 
burg  family  from  a  Polish  princess,  had  almost 
deprived  him  of  the  power  of  eating  and  talking. 
Charles,  unlike  his  father,  was  ne\'er  handsome,  and 
advancing  years  had   increased   the    ugliness  of  his 


visage. 


His  career,  after  all,  had  been  a  failure.  In  his 
youth  he  had  been  the  great  ca[)tain  of  his  age,  and 
had  proved  his  military  genius  in  numerous  battles. 
Up  to  middle  age  he  might  have  been  called  Charles 
the  Fortunate.  lie  had  been  victorious  in  Italv  and 
in  France.  He  had  almost  crushed  the  I'rotcstants. 
Then  the  tide  turned.  He  was  humiliated  before 
Metz.  He  was  beaten  b\'  Maurice  of  Sa.xony  and 
obliged  to  Hy,  disguised,  from  Innspruck,  the  cradle 
of  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  He  had  been  obliued  to 
concede  the  Peace  of  Passau,  and  with  it  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  Lutheran  creed  in  the  North  of 
Germany.  The  Pope  had  turned  on  him,  and  the  son 
of  Francis  I.  of  I'rance  had   foiled  him.     The  Grand 


Turk,  the  Pope,  and  the  Protestants  were  leagued 
against  him.  It  was  time  that  he  should  leave  the 
work  to  younger  and,  as  he  hoped,  stronger  hands. 
He  would,  it  is  true,  have  gained  the  German  crown 
for  his  son  if  he  could,  but  this  came  to  be  the  portion 
of  Ferdinand,  his  younger  brother,  and  the  two  houses 
of  Hapsburg  were  severed,  never  to  be  united. 

Philip  the  Second,  to  which  these  territories  and 
kingdoms  were  to  be  transferred,  was  a  slight,  lean 
man,  twenty-eight  years  old,  below  the  middle  height, 
with  weak  legs  and  a  narrow  chest.  He  did  not 
possess  in  the  least  his  father's  energy  and  vigour,  his 
military  and  political  powers.  In  face  like  his  father, 
he  had  the  same  Austrian  deformity  in  his  lower  jaw. 
His  father  could  speak  any  language  in  Western 
Europe  with  fluency  ;  Philip  could  not  speak  any 
other  tongue  than  Spanish.  Charles  was  constantly 
talking  ;  Philip  was  habitually  silent.  Charles  could 
be  boisterous  in  his  mirth  ;  Philip  was  sullen  and 
retiring,  and  was  hardly  known  even  to  smile. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  was  at  this  time  twenty-two 
years  old.  The  place  from  which  the  hero  of  Dutch 
independence  took  his  title  was  situated  in  the  South 
of  France,  near  Avignon,  and  the  family  were  origi- 
nally vassals  of  the  Pope,  who  was  for  centuries  the 
Lord  of  Avignon.  But  they  had  migrated  to  the 
Netherlands,  and  had  filled  high  offices  under  the 
Burgundian  princes.  The  Prince  of  Orange  was  a 
noble  who  not  only  held  the  highest  rank  in  the 
Netherlands,  but  was  the  head  of  a  most  opulent 
house.  He  was  at  the  time  Commander-in-chief  on 
the  French  frcMitier,  where  he  was  matched  against 


/ 


WILLIAM    I. 


CHARLES'S   REIGN  ONE   LONG    CRIME.  6l 

Admiral  Coligny  and  other  ^rcat  generals.  It  is 
remarkable  that  the  stadtholdcrs  of  the  house  of 
Orange  furnished  the  republic  with  a  succession  of 
seven  eminent  generals  and  statesmen  in  unbroken 
order  for  nearly  two  centuries,  from  William  the  First 
of  Orange  to  William  the  Fourth. 

In  the  oration  which  Charles  made  before  his 
Estates,  he  dwelt  on  the  labours  of  his  life  and  the 
difficulties  which  his  waning  health  put  on  him.  He 
could  not  grapple  with  the  situation,  but  must  leave  it 
to  younger  and  more  vigorous  hands.  He  entreated 
Philip,  his  successor,  to  maintain  the  Catholic  religion 
in  all  its  purity,  as  well  as  law  and  justice.  In  com- 
mending the  Fstates  to  their  new  lord,  he  imi)l()red 
them  to  show  due  obedience  to  their  sovereign,  dwelt 
on  their  obedience  and  affection  in  time  past,  asked 
their  pardon  if  he  had  committed  any  offence  or  fallen 
into  any  error  during  the  time  of  his  rule,  and  assured 
them  that  their  welfare  should  be  the  object  of  his 
prayers  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  It  is  said 
that  the  audience  was  melted  to  tears. 

The  reign  of  Charles  had  been  one  long  crime 
against  his  subjects.  He  had  trampled  on  their 
liberties,  wasted  their  resources  by  inordinate  taxa- 
tion, and  had  established  the  Spanish  Inquisition 
among  them.  He  had  an  annual  revenue  of  five 
millions,  two  of  which  were  extorted  from  the  Nether- 
lands, and  squandered  on  objects  which  were  of  no 
concern  to  them.  Hut  the  cruelties  which  he  practised 
in  the  name  of  religion  were  incredible  in  their  atro- 
city and  number.  Great  authorities  allege  that  the 
Netherlanders  who  were  burned,  strangled,  beheaded, 


f 


CHARLES'S   REIGX   OXE    LOXG    CRIME. 


6l 


WIl.l.lAM     I. 


Admiral  Coligny  and  other  ^n-cat  ^c^cncrals.  It  is 
remarkable  that  the  stadtholders  of  the  house  of 
Granite  furnished  the  republic  with  a  succession  of 
seven  eminent  generals  and  statesmen  in  unbroken 
order  for  nearly  two  centuries,  from  William  the  1^'irst 
of  Orange  to  William  the  iMnuth. 

Ifi  the  oration  which  Charles  made  before  his 
Kstates,  he  dwelt  on  the  labours  of  his  life  and  the 
difficulties  which  his  waning  health  j^ut  on  him.  He 
could  not  grapple  with  the  situation,  but  must  leave  it 
to\oungerand  more  vigorous  hand.;.  He  entreated 
IMulip,  his  successor,  to  maintain  the  Catholic  religion 
in  all  its  purity,  as  well  as  law  and  justice.  In  com- 
mending the  Instates  to  their  new  lord,  he  implored 
them  to  show  ilue  obedience  to  their  soverei<m,  dwelt 
on  their  obedience  antl  affection  in  time  past,  asked 
their  pardon  if  he  had  committed  any  offence  or  fallen 
into  any  error  during  the  time  of  his  rule,  and  assured 
them  that  their  welfare  should  be  the  object  of  his 
prayers  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  It  is  said 
that  the  audience  was  melted  to  tears. 

'I  he  reign  of  Charles  had  l)een  one  long  crime 
against  his  subjects.  He  had  trampled  on  their 
liberties,  wasted  their  resources  b\'  inordinate  taxa- 
tion, and  had  established  the  Spanish  Inquisition 
among  them.  He  had  an  annual  revenue  of  five 
millions,  two  of  which  were  e.\t(jrted  from  the  Nether- 
lands, and  squandered  on  objects  which  were  of  no 
concern  to  them.  Hut  the  cruelties  which  he  practised 
in  the  name  of  religif^n  were  incredible  in  their  atro- 
city and  number.  Great  authorities  allege  that  the 
Netherianders  who  were  burned,  strangled,  beheaded, 


62 


THE   ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP  OF  SPAIN. 


and  buried  alive  under  his  orders  amounted  to 
a  hundred  thousand.  The  Venetian  ambassador 
reckoned  that  ten  years  before  his  abdication  Charles 
had  put  to  death  for  their  religion  no  less  than  thirty 
thousand  persons  in  Holland  and  Friesland  alone. 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  Charles  perse- 
cuted for  any  other  reason  than  policy.  He  had  no 
more  morality  than  the  rest  of  European  sovereigns, 
for,  with  all  his  activity,  his  life  was  a  long  licentious 
debauch.  His  son  Philip  was,  in  the  current  sense  of 
the  word,  religious,  for  his  deference  to  the  Pope  was 
profound  and  incessant.  Put  Charles  had  allowed  his 
armies  to  sack  Rome,  to  insult  and  imprison  the 
pontiff.  He  had,  it  would  seem,  a  malignant  pleasure 
in  thwarting  and  coercing  Clement  the  Seventh.  He 
needed  the  .services  of  Lutheran  soldiers  in  Germany, 
and  he  permitted  his  soldiers  to  attend  the  ministra- 
tions of  their  own  preachers,  even  while  they  were 
under  his  orders,  and  before  Maurice  of  Saxony  com- 
pelled him  to  grant  toleration.  He  was  recognizing 
the  Reformation  in  Germany,  while  he  was  burning 
thousands  of  the  Reformers  in  the  Netherlands. 

The  fact  is  he  was  fighting  with  political  liberty. 
He  saw  that  resistance  to  the  divine  right  of  the 
priest  implied  resistance  to  the  divine  right  of  the 
despot.  He  was  shrewd  enough  to  discern  that  if  he 
winked  at  religious  nonconformity,  he  would  soon  be 
face  to  face  with  political  nonconformity.  Precisely 
the  same  fact  was  recognized  by  Elizabeth  and  the 
Stuarts,  by  the  house  of  Valois  in  France,  and  the 
house  of  Bourbon.  The  massacre  of  St.  l^artholomew, 
the  policy  of  Richelieu,  and  the  dragonnades  of  Louis 


PHI  LI  r  :>.i:ans  lo  respi.ct  dutch  liberties.  6] 

the  lunutecnth,  had  the  same  object  with  the  policy 
of  Charles  and  IMiilip.  The  Dutch  Republic  was  the 
first  to  be  tolerant  ;  and  when  the  Engli.sh  people 
controlled  the  power  of  their  kings  at  the  Revolution, 
they  followed  up  the  deed  with  the  Act  of  Toleration. 
But,  even  in  our  own  day,  the  stimulant  of  religious 
bigotry — mild,  indeed,  by  what  it  has  been  in  the  past 
— is  constantly  employed  in  order  to  defeat  political 
justice,  l^ven  in  his  Spanish  retreat,  when  Charles 
was  deprived  of  the  power  of  gratifying  any  of  his 
vices,  except  gluttony,  he  still  clamoured  that  more 
victims  should  be  .sacrificed  to  what  he  called  his 
religious,  but  what  were  really  his  political,  instincts. 

In  154S,  with  the  future  of  his  inheritance  within 
sight,  Philip  had  sworn,  without  any  reservation,  to 
maintain  all  the  privileges  and  liberties  of  the  pro- 
vnices  and  cities.  He  promised  more  than  his  father 
did,  and  probably  by  his  father's  advice,  for  the 
emperor  knew  that  in  that  age  vows  were  binding 
only  on  the  weak.  On  July  25,  1554,  he  married 
Mary  Tudor,  of  l^igland,  who  was  fortunately  child- 
less and  not  long-lived.  England  was  freed  of  her  in 
1558,  and  of  him  a  year  before,  for  he  deserted  his 
wife  when  she  was  plainly  unable  to  give  T^ngland  a 
Spanish  king. 

Philip  the  Second  resided  for  four  years  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  then  left  it  never  to  revisit  it.  In 
the  interval  occurred  his  quarrel  with  Paul  the  Fourth 
and  his  war  with  France,  the  victory  of  St.  Ouentin, 
and  the  peace  of  Cateau  Cambresis.  These  events 
have  little  to  do  with  the  hiiytory  of  the  Netherlands, 
beyond  the  fact  that,  during  their  occurrence,  it  was 


64  THE  ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP  OF  SPAIN. 

necessary  to  keep  the  Flemings  and  Hollanders  in  good 
humour.  It  is  true  that  Philip  early  disregarded  his 
father's  advice.  Charles  had  counselled  him  to  govern 
the  Netherlands  by  Netherlanders,  for  he  knew  well 
that  the  country  had  nobles  enough  who  w^ould  betray 
its  interests,  and  play  into  the  king's  hands.  But  Philip 
governed  entirely  by  Spaniards,  and  so  gave  occasion 
to  that  bitter  hatred  of  Spain  which  formed  the  bond 
of  union  between  these  disjointed  commonwealths. 

Philip,  however,  re-enacted   the  edict  of  1550,  by 
which  the  Inquisition  was  established  in  the  Nether- 
lands, though  the  towns  were  not  ready  to  accept  it, 
and  the  king  was  forced  to  temporise.     He  tried  to 
get  a  permanent  revenue,  but  had  for  the  time  to  be 
content  with  a  subsidy.  But  the  peace  which  he  made 
with  PVance  and  the  Pope,  left  him  time  to  pursue  his 
two  designs    on  the  Netherlands,  the  destruction  of 
their  liberties  and  the  uprooting  of  heresy.     Resolved 
to    return    to    Spain,    he    made    Margaret  of  l^arma, 
natural  daughter  of  Charles  V.,  his  regent.     He  ap- 
pointed her  council.   He  prepared  to  leave  the  Nether- 
lands on  August  7th.     But  as  all  seemed  smooth,  the 
Estates   unanimously  requested  of  the   king  that   all 
foreign  troops  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  Nether- 
hinds.     P^or  a  time  Philip  was  furious,  for  he  saw  that 
an  army  of  Spaniards  was  necessary  in  order  that  he 
might  give  effect  to  his  favourite  project.     But  he  had 
to  temporise,  especially  as  part  of  his  policy  was  the 
creation  of  a  number  of  additional  bishoprics  in  the 
Netherlands.     Then  he  left  the  country  at  Mushing. 
As  he  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  there  occurred  the 
memorable  scene    between    him    and    the    Prince   of 


SCENE   BETWEEN  PHILIP  AND    WILLIAM.        65 

Orange,  whom  he  saw  then  for  the  last  time.  He  re- 
proached him  with  being  the  author  of  the  opposition. 
William  replied  that  the  action  of  the  l^:states  was 
unsolicited  and  spontaneous.  On  this  Philip  seized 
him  violently  by  the  wrist  and,  shaking  it,  said  in 
Spanish,  '*  Not  the  l^lstatcs,  but  you,  you,  you ! "  express- 
ing himself  by  the  most  insulting  pronoun  he  could 
use  In  Spanish.  Philip  reached  Spain  after  a  stormy 
voyage,  and  immediately  regaled  himself  with  an  ^nto 
daft.  Soon  after,  for  Philip  had  wooed  Klizabeth  of 
Kngland  in  vain,  he  married  Isabella  of  France,  a 
marriage  destined  to  cause  a  long  w^ar  with  that  king- 
dom. 


I 


Sb^I^^ 

^^, 

s^l 

^   sTtrs^^  v_^ 

^ 

w. 

•/~^fp  i^.' 

1^  )J!iM 

^1^^ 

iffiLfff  ^V^l»^^MfMr 

bP^ 

5^ 

i^^ 

Ir^i 

C^-/J^%ifi^ 

CT^^W 

1^^ 

If-jjBXtS^aV  Ml  iJMfc^^u 

H^E 

gi^(;^| 

rH£   FAMILY  OF  NASSAU. 


67 


VIII 


margarp:t  of  parma. 


The  rcc^cnt  who  administered  the  Netherlands  for 
eight  >ears  was  the  eldest  natural  child  of  Charles. 
She  had  been  married,  first  to  Alexander  de  Medici, 
when  she  was  twelve  vears  oUl.  He  was  assassinated 
after  a  year.  At  twenty  she  was  married  to  the 
nephew  of  another  Pope,  Paul  the  Third.  Ottavio 
Farnese  was  only  thirteen  years  old.  By  him  she  be- 
came the  mother  of  the  celebrated  Alexander  Farnese, 
Prince  of  Parma.  She  was  a  woman  of  masculine  and 
imperious  temper,  a  mighty  huntress,  and  celebrated 
in  her  time  for  two  unfeminine  characteristics — a  well- 
defined  moustache  and  the  C["out. 

Margaret  of  Parma's  mother  was  a  Flemish  woman. 
She  could,  however,  be  entirely  trusted  in  carrying  out 
her  brother's  designs  in  establishing  the  Inquisition,  in 
retaining  the  foreign  garrisons,  and  in  crushing  the 
liberties  of  the  Netherlands.  Her  counsellors  were 
Berlaymont,  who,  though  a  Pleming,  was  the  persistent 
enemy  of  his  country  ;  Viglius,  who  composed  the 
famous  persecuting  edict  of  i  550  ;  the  Bishop  of  Arras, 


afterwards  the  celebrated  Cardinal  Granvelle,  the  able 
and  unscrupulous  enemy  of  every  Flemish  liberty  ; 
Egmont,  who  had  won  the  battles  of  St.  Ouentin  and 
Gravelines,  and  thereby  humiliated  PVance  ;  and 
William  the  Silent,  Prince  of  Oranire. 

The  family  of  Nassau  had  done  the  most  important 
services  to  the  house  of  Burgundy.  It  had  supplied 
warriors  and  counsellors  to  I'hilip  the  Good,  Charles 
the  Bold,  and  Philip  the  Handsome.  71ie  influence 
of  Henry  of  Nassau  put  the  imperial  crown  on  the 
head  of  Charles  the  I^fih.  He  died  in  war  at  the 
emperor's  side,  and  his  titles  and  estates  passed  to  his 
nephew  William.  There  was  every  reason  why  the 
descendants  of  Charles  V.  should  make  much  of,  and 
trust  the  house  of  Nassau.  William,  who  was  only 
eleven  years  old  at  the  time  when  he  succeeded  to  his 
cousin's  inheritance,  was  the  eldest  of  five  sons,  all  of 
whom  did  noble  work  in  the  great  war  of  indepen- 
dence. William  was  educated  at  Brussels  under  the 
eye  of  an  old  emperor,  and  from  fifteen  years  of  age 
was  his  constant  attendant.  At  twenty-one  he  was 
appointed  to  command  the  army.  He  was  now  one 
of  Margaret's  council  and  Stadtholder,  />.,  the  king's 
representative  in  Holland,  Zeland,  and  Utrecht. 

William  negotiated  the  treaty  of  Cateau  Cambresis, 
and,  with  the  Duke  of  Alva,  was  one  of  the  hostacres 
appointed  to  guarantee  the  due  execution  of  the  treaty. 
It  was  in  France,  and  while  he  was  hunting  with 
Henry  II.  in  the  Forest  of  Vincennes,  that  the  French 
king  incautiously  communicated  to  William  the  plan 
which  he  and  Philip  had  concocted  for  massacring 
all    the    Protestants  in  PVance  and  the  Netherlands. 


■  (! 


68 


MARGARET  OF  PARMA. 


His  motive  was  not  religion,  but  a  determination  to 
extirpate  all  whose  tenets,  as  he  justly  thought,  would 
lead  them  to  resist  arbitrary  power.  To  effect  this  the 
maintenance  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  the  Netherlands 
was  necessary.  William  received  these  communica- 
tions without  any  appearance  of  surprise,  and  there- 
after gained  the  name  of  William  the  Silent.  lUit  his 
mind  was  made  up.  He  determined  to  do  all  that  he 
could  to  get  rid  of  the  Spanish  garrisons,  to  obstruct 
the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition,  and  to  preserve 
the  liberties  of  the  Netherlands.  It  appears  to  me 
that  riiilip  had  divined  his  purposes  at  the  epoch  of 
that  celebrated  leave-taking.  Had  he  given  evidence 
of  them,  short  work  would  have  been  made  of  him. 

William  was  still  a  Catholic.  Indeed  at  that  time 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  there  was  a  single  Flemish 
noble  who  had  embraced  the  reformed  faith.  The 
prospect  of  such  a  conversion  was  not  as  yet  attractive 
in  the  Netherlands,  as  it  was  in  Northern  Germany 
wherethe  Reformation  had  given  the  princes  independ- 
ence and  plunder.  The  dissidents  from  the  old  faith 
were  artisans  and  priests  whom  the  freedom  of  the  new 
opinions  had  attracted.  William  was  young,  rich,  and 
profuse.  His  wealth  was  great,  his  expenses  greater. 
He  kept  open  house  at  Brussels.  Hut  he  did  not,  like 
one  of  his  colleagues,speak  of  his  poorer  fellow  country- 
men as  "  that  vile  and  mischievous  animal  called  the 
people."  He  was  an  enemy  to  the  edict  of  1550,  and 
to  the  Spanish  policy. 

There  had  been  but  four  bishops  in  the  Netherlands. 
Philip  had  induced  the  Pope  to  enlarge  the  number 
to  eighteen,  and  to  make  three  of  them  archbishops. 


I 
1 


THE  NETHERLANDERS   APPEAL    TO   CHARTERS.    69 

The  motive  of  this  change  was  to  strengthen  the 
machinery  for  extirpating  heresy.  In  order  to  assist 
them  the  four  thousand  Spanish  troops  were  to  be 
kept  indefinitely  in  the  Netherlands,  of  course  at  the 
expense  of  the  Estates.  Here  then  was  plenty  of 
material  for  discontent,  for  agitation,  and  finally  for 
revolt.  The  cities  again  resolved  to  appeal  to  their 
charters.  The  charter  of  Brabant  expressly  disabled 
the  ruler  from  increasing  the  power  of  the  clergy. 

The  unpopularity  of  these  measures  fell  onGranvelle, 
as  he  was  subsequently  called.  The  old  habit  of 
loyalty  was  not  yet  worn  out,  and  it  was  therefore 
expedient  to  transfer  the  odium  from  Philip  to  his 
minister.  William  led  the  opposition,  and  most  of  the 
nobles  sided  with  him.  At  last  Philip  yielded,  and 
withdrew  the  Spanish  soldiers  for  a  time  in  1560. 
But  the  Incjuisition  kept  to  its  work.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  States  were  very  reluctant  to  grant  subsidies, 
and  the  king  was  at  his  wits'  end  for  money.  At  this 
time  (1 56 1)  William  married  the  Princess  Anna  of 
Saxony,  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Maurice.  She  was 
a  Lutheran  and  the  negotiations  as  to  the  exercise  of 
her  religion  were  protracted.  Meanwhile  the  Inquisi- 
tion with  Titelmann  at  its  head  continued  its  office,  and 
in  1564  Granvelle  was  superseded. 

The  Nethcrlanders  were  under  the  impression,  and 
for  a  long  time  remained  under  it,  that  the  severity  of 
the  government  was  not  due  to  Philip,  but  to  his 
ministers  in  the  Netherlands.  F'or  this  reason  they 
hated  Granvelle,  with  this  view  they  sent  deputations 
to  Madrid— Egmont  first,  Montigny  and  Berghen 
afterwards.      At  last,  in  the  beginning  of  1566,  some 


70 


MARGARET   OF   PARMA. 


ABOLITION   OF    THE   INQUISITION. 


71 


of  the  Flemish  nobles  drew  up  the  Ce)inpromisc,  by 
which  they  pledged  themselves  to  resist  the  Inquisition. 
Orange  took  no  part  in  it,  but  he  did  more.  Remem- 
bering his  conversation  with  Henry  of  France,  he 
resolved  to  know  Philip's  mind.  He  therefore  estab- 
lished such  a  system  of  espionage  over  Philip,  that 
he  got  copies  of  all  Philip's  most  secret  despatches. 
It  is  the  lot  of  despots  to  be  ill  served.  Worse  than 
that,  it  is  their  lot  to  be  betrayed.  Placing  no  trust 
in  any  man,  they  gain  the  genuine  confidence  of  none. 
Meanwhile  thousands  of  Plemish  weavers  emitrrated 
to  England,  especially  to  the  Eastern  Counties,  trans- 
ferred their  skill  and  industr}'  thither,  and  soon  became 
the  successful  rivals  of  the  land  of  their  birth. 

The  new  league  determined  to  present  a  "  Request  " 
to  Margaret,  and  Orange  so  far  acted  with  the  leaders 
as  to  counsel  them  as  to  the  language  of  the  document. 
On  April  5,  1566,  the  request  was  read  to  the 
Duchess  and  her  council  by  Brederode.  Hie  purport 
of  this  document  was  that  it  was  neccssar>'  to  the 
peace  of  the  country  that  the  edicts  and  the  Inquisition 
should  be  withdrawn,  and  that  the  manajjement  of 
affairs  should  be  remitted  to  the  States-General.  The 
petitioners  left,  and  the  council  debated  it.  Then  it  is 
that  Berlaymont,  alwa\'s  consistentlv  hostile  to  his 
countrymen,  exclaimed,  "  Is  it  possible  that  your 
Highness  can  be  afraid  of  these  beggars!"  As  the 
confederates  passed  his  house  afterwards,  he  is  said  to 
have  repeated  the  insult.  The  confederates  reiterated 
their  requests  on  April  8th. 

In  the  evening  of  that  day  Brederode  prepared  a 
great  banquet  for  three  hundred  guests  at  his  mansion. 


The  Flemings  did  much  in  the  way  of  eating  and  drink- 
ing, and  when  they  were  warm  with  wine,  the  guests 
debated  what  name  they  should  give  their  association. 
The  host  rose  and  told  thqm,  to  their  indignation,  what 
was  the  name  which  the  counciHor  had  given  them. 
He  then  suggested  that  they  should  adopt  the  name, 
instantly  seized  a  beggar's  wallet  and  bowl,  filled  the 
latter  with  wine,  put  the  former  on,  and  passed  both 
to  his  next  neighbour.  The  name  was  adopted  with 
shouts  of  applause,  and  thenceforward  the  Netherland 
patriots  went  by  the  name. 

Orange,  Egmont,  and  Horn  entered  the  apartment 
when  the  revelry  was  at  its  height.  They  were  con- 
strained to  drink  the  new  toast  and  instantly  left. 
Their  momentary  presence  at  this  orgie  caused  soon 
after  the  deaths  of  the  last  two,  a  fate  which  Orange 
would  have  shared  had  he  come  into  his  enemies' 
hands.  In  the  morning  a  new  costume,  imitatino-  in 
quality  and  appearance  the  beggars'  clothing  and  ap- 
pendages, was  adopted  by  them.  The  common  folk 
of  the  Netherlands  now  believed  that  they  had  leaders, 
and  crowded  to  listen  to  the  preachers. 

Shortly  after  these  events,  in  August,  occurred  the 
image  breaking  in  the  Netherlands  churches.  But  no 
injury  was  done  to  anything  else,  not  to  any  person. 
The  only  objects  on  which  the  mobs  wreaked  their 
wrath  were  the  symbols  of  the  ancient  religion.  The 
confederate  nobles  took  no  part  in  the  outrage.  For 
a  time  the  violence  seemed  to  be  an  advantage.  On 
August  25th,  the  Duchess  signed  the  Accord,  under 
which  the  Inquisition  was  abolished,  and  a  general 
toleration   accorded.     The   nobles   did  their  best  to 


72 


MARGARET   OF  PARMA. 


quiet  the  disturbances.  But  while  Phih'p  temporised, 
he  had  made  up  his  mind.  He  collected  an  army  in 
Spain,  put  it  under  the  command  of  Alva,  gave  his 
commander  instructions,  and  the  war  began. 


IX. 


ALVA. 


PrTTT  TP  had  resolved  to  establish  the  Inquisition  by 
thc^word.  He  collected  his  army  in  Italy,  and  put 
Alva  at  the  head  of  it.  This  man  had  been  all  his 
life  engaged  in  war,  was  now  sixty  years  old,  and  had 
the  reputation,  justly  earned,  of  being  the  most 
accomplished  and  capable  warrior  in  Europe.  He 
had  gained  victories  in  Spain,  in  Africa,  in  Germany, 
in  Italy,  in  l^-ance.  He  was,  perhaps,  the  most  blood- 
thirsty man  who  ever  existed  in  what  is  called  the 
civilized  world,  and  he  was  sent  to  the  Netherlands  to 
satiate  himself.  The  army  was  worthy  of  the  general. 
He  commanded  the  finest  and  the  most  merciless 
troops  in  Hurope. 

Some  of  these  troops,  about  10,000  in  number,  cm- 
barked  at  Carthagena  on  May  1 6,  1 567.  The  principal 
part  of  the  force  was  collected  at  Genoa,  and  marched 
across  Mont  Cenis,and  through  Savo)-,  Burgundy,  and 
Lorraine.  Had  the  confederates  in  the  Netherlands 
determined  at  this  time  to  resist  Philip,  and  had 
Fgmont    taken    the    command,    it   is    probable    that 


COUNT   ALVA. 


THE   BLOOD   COUNCIL, 


75 


Alva's  troops  might  have  been  destroyed  in  detail,  so 
difficult  was  the  march.  By  the  middle  of  August 
they  were  all  in  the  Netherlands.  Alva  fixed  his 
headquarters  at  Brussels,  on  August  23rd,  but  distri- 
buted his  troops  through  the  other  cities.  It  was  the 
intention  of  Philip  and  Alva  to  destroy  every  Nether- 
lander who  had  resisted  or  even  criticized  the  Spanish 
policy.  Of  course,  Orange,  Egmont,  Horn,  and 
Hoogstraten,  were  to  be  forthwith  arrested  and  dealt 
with.  There  was  to  be  a  political  in  addition  to  a 
religious  inquisition.  In  the  interval  these  eminent 
men  were  to  be  entrapped  into  a  false  security.  The 
plot  succeeded  with  Egmont  and  Horn  ;  it  failed 
with  Orange  and  Hoogstraten. 

On  September  9th  Horn  and  Egmont  were  arrested, 
and  on  September  23rd  transferred  to  the  castle  of 
Ghent,  with  other  leading  persons.  Alva  had  done 
part  of  his  commission  with  secrecy  and  dispatch. 
But  the  escape  of  Orange  was  thought  by  those  who 
knew  the  Netherlands  to  make  the  capture  of  the 
others  politically  valueless.  However,  on  the  very 
day  on  which  Horn  and  Egmont  was  arrested,  Alva 
established  a  council  which  he  called  that  of  Troubles, 
but  the  Nethcrlandcrs  the  Blood  Council.  It  was  an 
invention  of  Alva's  own.  It  soon  set  to  work  and 
slew  its  thousands  before  Margaret  of  Parma  retired, 
which  she  did  on  December  9th.  She  was  probably 
softened  by  this  time,  for  her  best  friends  and  advisers 
had  been  imprisoned  by  her  successor,and  were  already 
doomed.  Alva  set  to  work  to  build  the  citadel  of 
Antwerp.  In  October,  1568,  he  took  up  his  quarters 
in  the  new  fortress. 


THE    BLOOD   COUNCIL. 


75 


COUM    ALVA. 


Alva's  troops  mii;ht  have  been  destroyed  in  detail,  so 
difficult  was  the  march.  By  the  middle  of  August 
they  were  all  in  the  Netherlands.  Alva  fixed  his 
headquarters  at  Brussels,  on  August  23rd,  but  distri- 
buted his  troops  through  the  other  cities.  It  was  the 
intention  of  Philip  and  Alva  to  destroy  every  Nether- 
lander who  had  resisted  or  even  criticized  the  Spanish 
policy.  Of  course,  Orange,  I'.gmont,  Horn,  and 
lloogstraten,  were  to  be  forthwith  arrested  and  dealt 
with.  There  was  to  be  a  political  in  addition  to  a 
religious  intjuisition.  In  the  interval  these  eminent 
men  were  to  be  entrapped  into  a  false  security.  The 
plot  succeeded  with  Kgmont  and  Horn  ;  it  failed 
with  Oranire  and  lloogstraten. 

On  September  9th  Horn  and  l^gmont  were  arrested, 
and  on  September  23rd  transferred  to  the  castle  of 
Ghent,  with  other  leading  persons.  Alva  had  done 
part  of  his  commission  with  secrecy  and  dispatch. 
But  the  escape  of  Orange  was  thought  by  those  who 
knew  the  Netherlands  to  make  the  capture  of  the 
others  politically  valueless.  However,  on  the  very 
day  on  which  Horn  and  ICgmont  was  arrested,  Alva 
established  a  council  which  he  called  that  of  Troubles, 
but  the  Netherlanders  the  Blood  Council.  It  was  an 
invention  of  Alva's  own.  It  soon  set  to  work  and 
slew  its  thousands  before  IMargaret  of  Parma  retired, 
which  she  did  on  December  9th.  She  was  probably 
softcnctl  b)- this  time,  for  her  best  friends  and  advisers 
had  been  iinprisoned  by  her  successor, and  were  already 
doomed.  Alva  set  to  work  to  build  the  citadel  of 
Antwerp.  In  October,  1568,  he  took  up  his  quarters 
in  the  new  fortress. 


76 


ALVA. 


ALVA   LAYS    WASTE    THE   NETHERLANDS. 


77 


Orange  was  prosecuted,  and  his  eldest  son  was 
kidnapped  and  sent  to  Spain.  liut  William  was 
himself  out  of  reach.  Meanwhile,  a  sentence  of  the 
Inquisition  condemned  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Netherlands,  with  a  few  exceptions,  to  death  as 
heretics,  and  Philip  confirmed  the  sentence.  How 
powerful  must  the  theory  of  the  dfvine  rii^ht  of  kint^s 
and  the  divine  rii^ht  of  priests  have  been,  that  this 
decree  was  not  met  by  an  instant  revolt.  But  all  t'iiat 
came  of  it,  as  yet,  was  that  bands  of  marauders,  under 
the  name  of  Wild  Beggars,  took  to  robbing  all  and 
sundry, but  especially  to  mutilating  monks  and  priests. 

Meanwhile,  Orange  had  collected  troops  and  taken 
to  the  field.  He  made  his  attack  on  three  ])oints  and 
failed  in  two.  But  at  the  battle  of  Heiligerlee,  in 
Friesland,  the  patriots  were  victorious,  and  the  army 
of  the  Spaniards  all  but  annihilated.  But  the  victor\- 
was  the  death  warrant  of  l^gmont  and  Horn.  They 
are  executed  on  June  5,  1568. 

One  of  the  brothers  of  Orange  had  perished  in 
the  battle  of  Heiligerlee,  Louis  of  Nassau,  another, 
was  still  in  the  field.  But  Alva  was  on  his  path, 
routed  his  army,  laid  waste  the  country,  slaughtered 
the  inhabitants,  and  brought  back  his  soldiers  with 
little  loss.  While  Alva  was  defeating  Louis,  Philip 
was  murdering  his  eldest  son,  Don  Carlos.  Had  this 
young  man  gone,  as  he  wished,  to  the  Netherlands,  in 
place  of  Alva,  the  tyranny  of  Caligula  would  have 
been  exhibited  in  place  of  that  of  Nero. 

As  Alva  had  beaten  Louis  of  Nassau,  so  he  now 
baffled  William,  who  had  now  openly  embraced  the 
reformed   faith,  but  carried   into  his  new   creed    an 


utter  hatred  of  religious  bigotr>^  He  would  perse- 
cute neither  Papist  or  Anabaptist  With  perhaps 
equal  sincerity,  he  declared  that  he  did  not  make 
war  on  Philip,  but  on  Alva.  He  got  but  little  aid  from 
the  nobles,  who  promised  him  much  ;  he  got  as  little 
help  from  the  peasants  from  whom  he  could  expect 
nothing.  He  collected  a  formidable  army,  but  he 
could  not  force  Alva  to  fight,  and  the  army  wasted 
away.  Alva  returned  to  Antwerp,  and  set  up  a 
colossal  statue  of  himself  on  the  citadel. 

Alva  was  now  triumphant,  and,  to  all  appearance, 
the  fortunes  of  Orani^e  and  the  Netherlands  were 
(Icsporate.  The  Flemish  nobles  were  without  spirit 
ui  ch.iracter,  as  was  to  be  often  proved,  and  the 
people  were  not  yet  organ i/xd.  Just  at  this  crisis, 
Klizabcth  of  l^ngland  put  Alva  into  a  serious  difficulty. 
She  impounded  certain  treasure  ships  which  were  on 
the  road  for  the  payment  of  the  Spanish  troops. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  those  military  bankruptcies 
which  ultimately  aided  the  patriots  so  much.  The 
murders  of  Alva  and  the  depopulation  of  the  Nether- 
lands were  drying  up  all  sources  of  revenue,  and  Alva 
began  seriously  to  think  of  an  amnesty.  In  his 
efforts  to  obtain  money,  Alva  had  even  ventured  on 
plundering  his  own  Church,  and  he  did  it  with  a  high 
hand. 

For  two  or  three  years  Orange  was  an  exile  and  a 
wanderer,  while  Alva  was  striving  to  reconcile  the 
Flemings  and  Hollanders  to  taxes  which  would  have 
absolutely  ruined  them.  From  time  to  time  he  was 
engaged  in  plots  for  the  murder  of  Elizabeth,  assassi- 
nation by  hired  bravos  being  now  considered  legitimate 


78 


ALVA, 


warfare  by  Philip.  The  plots  were  found  out,  the 
assassins  punished,  and  the  English  people — Catholic, 
Anglican,  and  Puritan  alike— were  becoming  united 
against  Spain,  and  in  defence  of  Elizabeth.  Iwen 
Philip's  victories  were  barren,  for  though  the  battle  of 
Lepanto  had  checked  the  progress  of  the  Turks,  it  had 
not  furthered  the  ascendency  of  Spain. 

Alva's  unpopularity  was  daily  increasing,  the  pro- 
vinces were  nearly  ruined,  or  saw  they  could  arrest 
ruin  only  by  energetic  resistance,  the  governor's 
successor  was  appointed,  and  Orange  was  again 
steadily  but  secretly  making  way,  when  the  first  turn 
of  the  tide  came  in  favour  of  the  patriots.  The 
Beggars  of  the  Sea  had  captured  the  city  of  Brill. 

The  Hollanders  had  long  been  familiar  with  the 
sea.  They  had  been  driven  from  their  homes ;  their 
native  land  was  being  given  up  to  military  execution ; 
they  could  not  for  years  stand  against  Spanish  disci- 
pline in  the  field,  but  they  rapidly  became  invincible 
on  the  water.  The  narrow  seas  were  now  swarming 
with  rovers,  furnished  with  letters  of  marque  by 
Orange,  and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  they  levied  their 
contributions  impartially  from  Spaniard  and  neutral. 
Their  admiral  was  William  de  la  Marck,  a  descendant 
of  wild  freebooters,  and  himself  as  ferocious  as  any  of 
his  ancestors.  He  was  a  kinsman  of  Egmont,  and  was 
sworn  to  avenge  himself  on  Alva. 

Twenty-four  vessels,  manned  by  the  Beggars  of  the 
Sea,  were  cruising  in  the  spring  of  1572,  on  the 
southern  coast  of  England  Pllizabeth,  who  had 
made  up  her  quarrel  with  Alva,  forbade  her  subjects 
from  provisioning  the  Beggars.     Half-starved  already, 


BRILL. 


78 


ALVA. 


warfare  by  Philip.  The  j^lots  were  found  out,  the 
assassins  punished,  and  the  luv^h'sh  people — Catholic, 
An«^dican,  and  Puritan  alike— were  becominj^  united 
a^^ainst  Si)ain,  and  in  defence  of  Klizaheth.  ICvon 
Philip's  victories  were  barren,  for  thouL^h  the  battle  c^f 
Lepanto  had  checked  the  proi^ress  of  the  Turks,  it  had 
not  furthered  the  ascendency  of  Spain. 

Alva's  unpopularity  was  dail\-  increasini^,  the  pro- 
vinces were  nearly  ruined,  or  saw  they  could  arrest 
ruin  only  by  ener«^etic  resistance,  the  governor's 
successor  was  appointed,  and  ( )r,uiL;e  was  ai^ain 
steadily  but  secretly  making  way,  when  the  first  turn 
of  the  tide  came  in  favour  of  the  patriots.  Tiie 
Heggars  of  the  Sea  had  captured  the  city  of  Brill. 

The  Hollanders  had  lung  been  famili.u-  with  the 
sea.  1  hey  hatl  been  driven  from  their  homes;  their 
native  land  was  being  given  up  to  military  execution ; 
the}'  could  not  for  years  stand  against  Spanish  disci- 
pline in  the  field,  but  they  rapidly  became  in\  incible 
on  the  water.  The  narrow  seas  were  now  swarminir 
with  rovers,  furnished  with  letters  of  marcjue  In- 
Orange,  and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  th('\  U\  ied  their 
contributions  im[)artially  from  Spaniard  .md  neutral. 
Their  admiral  was  William  de  la  Marck,  a  descentlant 
of  wild  freebooters,  and  himself  as  ferocious  as  any  of 
his  ancestors.  I  le  was  a  kinsman  of  Ivgmont,  and  was 
sworn  to  avenge  himself  on  Alva. 

Twenty-four  ves.sels,  manned  by  the  Peggars  of  the 
Sea,  were  cruising  in  the  spring  of  1572,  on  the 
southern  coast  of  England  I'lizabeth,  who  had 
made  u^)  her  quarrel  with  Alva,  forbade  her  subjects 
from  provisioning  the  Beggars.     Half-starved  already, 


BRU.L. 


8o 


ALVA. 


the  rovers  determined  to  essay  some  place  in  Holland, 
and  appeared  before  l^rill.  They  determined  to 
obtain  its  surrender,  and  sent  a  friendly  fisherman  of 
the  town  as  their  envov.  The  I^ei-^ars  were  some 
four  hundred  in  all,  but  the  fishermen,  when  asked 
about  their  numbers,  answered  in  a  careless 
manner,  about  five  thousand.  There  was  no  thou«2ht 
of  resistance,  and  the  patriots  soon  i^ot  pi>s>rs.sion, 
and  held  it  in  the  name  of  Oran^re.  iVlva  sent 
troops  to  recapture  the  town,  but  they  were  repulsed  ; 
for  the  Sea  l^ei^i^ars  were  in  their  element.  A  short 
time  afterwards,  Mushini^  was  rescued  from  Alva 
by  the  patriots,  and  the  number  o(  their  partisans 
rapidly  increasini^,  this  town  was  i^arrisoned.  Here 
they  caui^ht  Pacheco.  Alva's  en^i;ineer,  who  had  built 
the  citadel  of  Antwerp,  and  had  been  sent  to  fnnsh  the 
defences  of  Flush  in  14.     'I'hey  hani^ed  him  on  the  spot. 

Almost  at  an  instant,  nearly  all  the  cities  of 
Holland  and  Zeland  threw  off  the  Spanish  yoke, 
and  accepted  the  i^overnment  of  Oran^i;e,  thoui^h  in 
the  name  of  the  kini:^,  ]^ut  for  a  lon^  time  the 
insurfTcnts  claimed  nothini^  more  than  the  charters 
and  liberties  to  which  Philip  had  voluntarily  sworn. 
Toleration  was  from  the  first  the  law  of  W'il Ham's 
government.  Meanwhile  Louis  of  Nassau  had 
captured  the  city  of  Mons,  in  South-west  Inlanders. 
At  Walchercn  nearh'  the  whole  Lisbon  fleet  was 
captured  by  the  Beggars,  the  pay  of  the  S[)anish 
soldiery,  and  much  of  their  ammunition. 

On  July  18,  1572,  the  I^^states  of  Holland  were 
convened  at  Dort,  under  the  authorit\' of  ()r.inL;e  as 
Stadtholder.     The  convention  was  primaril}    for  the 


fee    ^\^ 

.,'V-  ^»  g"  ^-"r    .v.     o 


o 
o 


f.  a 


••'<**' 


8o 


ALl'A. 


the  rovers  determined  to  essay  some  place  in  I  lolland, 
and  appeared  before  Brill.  'Hiey  determined  to 
obtain  its  surreiukr.  and  >ent  a  friendl)'  tlshcrman  C)f 
the  town  as  tluir  i-n\<«\'.  1  he  ]H'<"'ai^  w  nc  xunc 
four  hundred  in  all,  but  the  fishermen,  w  hen  asked 
about  their  number--,  answtud  in  a  careless 
manner,  about  h\e  thoUNatid.  Tlurt'  ua--  no  thoU'^ht 
of    rc-^i>l<inre,    .nivl    ilu'   palrioi-  -i   -<  >[    p''^-i->ion. 

and  held  it  in  the  name  of  Uianiji'.  Al\a  sent 
troops  to  recapture  the  town,  but  tlu'\  were  rri)ulsed  ; 
for  the  Sea  1h'..^.,  ->  wci^c  in  tlu-ir  clcincnr  \  short 
time  atler\var(U.  MushinL;  \\,i-  n^cueu  ii'Mii  .\l\.i 
1)\-  tlu>  ])atriots,  and  the  number  'f  their  partisans 
ra[)idl\-  increasin!^',  this  town  was  i^arrisoned.  Here 
they  cau;_;  lit  Paeheeo  \1\;i's  en-'inr.-r.  w  ho  had  built 
the  cit.ulel  ot  Anlw  i  i  p,  .itui  h.ni  i)^(:i  -ciil  lo  hin^h  liie 
defences  of  MushiuL;.      The)   hanL;ed  him  on  the  spot. 

AliUirst      il    .m    instant,    ne.ulv    all    th  in  -     of 

1  lolland  and  /el.md  threw  off  the  Soaiii^h  \  <  "ke, 
and  acceptetl  the  government  ot  (  )ianL;e,  tlu)UL;h  in 
the  name  of  the  kin*'.  lUit  foi  a  lonij-  time  the 
insuri^ents  claimed  nothing;"  more  than  the  charters 
and  liberties  t«'  \\hi..Ii  Philip  h.ul  \  <  )luntaril\-  >\\orn. 
Toleration  was  trom  the  hr>t  the  law  ot"  William's 
t^oxernment.  Meanwhili  Louis  <  t  \<(--.m  had 
captured  the  cit\-  of  Mons,  in  South-west  Idanders. 
At  \\'.dchei"en  neail\'  the  wh'-le  I  '  '-«n  lli-et  wa> 
captured  1)\-  the  r.eL;L;ars,  the  pav  eti  the  Spanish 
soldiery,  and  much  of  their  ammunition. 

On  July  iS.  1  ;;_\  the  I-'states  of  Holland  were 
coiucned  at  1  )<  m  I.  uniK  ]•  the  autli<  >rit\'  ol  (  )r,iii'.c  a^ 
Stadtholder.     '1  he  convention   wa>  prim.iiiix    loi    the 


82 


ALVA. 


purpose  of  raising  funds  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Stirred  to  enthusiasm  by  the  eloquence  of 
Saint  Aldegonde,thc  Hollanders  unanimously  resolved 
to  dedicate  themselves  and  their  fortunes  to  the  cause 
which  was  identified  with  Orange.  The  prince  was 
himself  seeking  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  Huguenot 
troops,  who  were  marching  to  the  relief  of  Mons,  but 
who  were  defeated  before  he  could  achieve  his  object. 
He  continued  his  march,  levying  troops,  collecting 
funds,  and  relying  on  the  French,  when  on  August  24th 
occurred  the  frightful  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew. 
His  plans  were  frustrated,  his  army  was  disbanded,  and 
he  was  forced  to  retire  into  Holland.  On  September 
19th,  Mons  was  surrendered,  and  the  Flemish  towns 
returned  to  their  allegiance.  Henceforth,  the  principal 
interest  of  the  struggle  centres  in  Holland. 

Even  here,  however,  the  affairs  of  the  patriots  were 
unprosperous.  Tergoes  was  relieved,  and  Zutphen 
sacked  by  the  Spaniards.  William  was  deserted  by 
his  brother-in-law,  De  Berg,  who  betrayed  what  was 
entrusted  to  him.  Harlem,  after  a  desperate  defence, 
was  captured  in  the  summer  of  1573.  But  the  siege 
of  Alkmaar,  after  an  heroic  defence  of  §even  weeks, 
was  raised.  Then  there  was  a  breathing  time  for 
the  Hollanders.  The  French  king  intrigued  for  the 
marriage  of  his  brother  with  Elizabeth,  and  the 
Spanish  king  intrigued  with  the  electors  of  the 
German  Empire  for  the  succession  to  Ma.ximilian. 
Besides  the  Dutch  had  defeated  the  Spanish  com- 
mander by  sea,  at  Enkhuizen,  on  October  i  ith.  On 
December  i8th,  Alva  left  the  Netherlands.  His 
Blood  Council  had  put  to  death  18,600  persons. 


X. 


REQUESENS,   THE  (JRAND   COMMANDER. 

It  was  understood  that  the  new  governor  represented 
a  policy  of  concession  of  amnesty,  even  of  peace. 
But  he  was  hampered  by  two  conditions.  He  was  to 
secure  the  king's  supremacy,  and  the  total  prohibition 
of  any  but  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  It  was 
obvious  that  unless  an  unconditional  surrender  was 
made,  there  was  no  hope  for  peace,  and,  in  fact,  the 
war  continued  for  thirty-six  years  longer.  Yet  every 
one  desired  peace,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  Spaniard, 
Meming,  and  Hollander,  the  advisers  and  tools  of 
Alva,  and  the  friends  and  adherents  of  Orange.  Even 
Philip  would  have  been  glad  to  stop  the  perpetual 
drain  on  his  resources,  and  avert  the  bankruptcy 
which  was  imminent. 

The  army,  now  numbering  sixty-two  thousand,  was 
nearly  a  twelve  months'  pay  in  arrears.  The  country 
had  been  impoverished  and  the  States  refused  to  grant 
a  dollar.  lUit,  on  the  other  side,  though  the  Dutch 
were  out-numbered  and  out-generalled,  they  main- 
tained their  fleets  and  their  forces,  though  they  were 


i 


84  REQUESENS,    THE    GRA.\D    COMMA.WER. 


sometime^  ^^hort  in  jTrantinfr  supplies.  Reciuescns, 
therefore  iiiuii;iiicd  that  the  whole  of  the  Netherlands 
would  accept  peace  on  any  terms ;  and  if  only  the 
nobles  had  to  be  consulted,  he  was  probably  in  the 

rii^ht. 

The  Hollanders  were  now  unquestionably  superiors 
on  the  sea,  as  was  to  be  conclusively  proved.  The 
patriots  were  bcsicu^in*^  Middelburij,  in  the  island  of 
Walchcrcn,  in  which  a  Spanish  c^eneral  of  great 
ability  and  courai^e  was  conimandcr.  The  new 
governor  found  it  necessary  to  relieve  the  garrison, 
which  was  nearly  starved  out  It  could  onl)'  be 
effected  after  a  victorious  sea  fight.  I'hc  h.ittic  was 
joined  on  January  29th,  and  the  patriots  were  entirely 
victorious.     IMiddclburg  was  soon  surrendered. 

The  siege  of  Lcydcn  was  the  great  event  of  the 
year.  It  was  closely  invested,  and  Or.ingc*  hade  his 
brother  Louis  relieve  it.  On  April  14th  he  fought 
a  battle  with  the  besieging  force  ;  his  army  was 
nearly  annihilated,  and  he  and  his  brother  Henry 
slain.  Their  bodies,  however,  were  never  discovered. 
It  seemed  now  that  Leyden  would  be  lost,  not  from 
the  vict(M'i(His  army,  which  mutinied  immediately 
after  their  victory,  and  marching  on  Antwerp,  seized 
the  city.  Then"  p«iy  was  three  yc.irs  in  arrear. 
But  the  danger  was  not  passed,  for  the  siege  was 
reformed.  Meanwhile  the  Dutch  admiral  had  suc- 
ceeded in  destro\'ing  another  Spatiish  fleet. 

The  second  siege  of  Leyden  began  on  May  26th. 
It  lasted  till  October  3rd.  The  limits  of  this  work 
disable  the  author  from  describing  in  detail  this 
memorable   siege,  and   the   relief  of  the   city  by  the 


OLD   1)L KH    SIREpyr   ANU  TOWN-HALL. 


% 


1 


86 


REQUESENS,    THE   GRAND   COMMANDER. 


THE    UNIVERSITY  OF  LEY  DEN. 


87 


Beggars  of  the  Sea.  To  meet  their  foe,  and  to  baffle 
him,  the  Hollander ;  cut  the  dykes  between  Leyden 
and  the  sea,  and  turned  the  leaguer  of  the  Spaniards 
into  a  sea  fight,  in  which  the  patriots  were  thoroughly 
in  their  element.  At  last  the  Spaniards  retreated  in 
panic,  and  the  siege  was  raised. 

In  remembrance  of  this  great  deliverance,  the 
States  of  Holland  resolved  to  found  a  university  in 
the  town  of  Leyden.  They  endowed  it  with  the 
possessions  of  the  abbjy  of  Egmont,  and  provided  it 
with  teachers,  selected  from  the  ablest  scholars  in  the 
Netherlands.  For  two  centuries  the  University  of 
Leyden  was  the  most  famous  in  Europe.  lUit  Orange 
still  kept  up  the  form  of  loyalty,  and  the  charter  of 
the  university  declares  that  it  was  founded  by  I'hilip, 
Count  of  Holland. 

The  two  provinces,  Holland  and  Zeland,  though 
Harlem  and  Amsterdam  were  still  in  the  power  of 
the  enemy,  raised  nearly  as  high  a  revenue  monthly 
for  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  as  Alva  had  been  able 
to  extract  yearly  from  the  rest  of  the  Netherlands. 
The  fact  is,  their  trade  grew  with  their  efforts.  They 
were  still  in  theory  subjects  of  Spain,  and  they  traded 
with  the  Spanish  possessions.  They  were  even 
charged  with  manufacturing  and  selling  the  powder 
with  which  the  Spaniards  bombarded  their  cities. 
I'A-en  to  the  last  they  made  war  on  the  Spanish 
Government,  and  had  commercial  transactions  with 
Spanish  subjects  ;  for  as  ITiilip  did  not  recognize  their 
independence,  they  seem,  except  at  their  pleasure,  to 
be  at  war  with  him  onl\'  in  their  own  country. 

In  the  autumn  of  1574,  the  Constitution  of  Holland 


was  organized.  William  was  made  commander-in- 
chief;  a  monthly  grant  for  the  expenses  of  the  army 
was  conceded  to  him,  and  practically  the  whole  con- 
duct of  affairs  was  conferred  on  him.  Then  came  the 
farce  of  negotiating  a  peace.  The  terms  of  Philip  were 
inadmissible.  He  refused  toleration  to  the  reformed 
religion,  and  the  conferences  were  abruptly  closed. 

In  1575,  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland  were 
united.  It  was  not  done  without  some  difficulty,  for 
the  municipal  principle  had  ruinously  kept  cities 
apart,  and  made  military  action  capricious  and 
uncertain.  It  was  this  temper  of  isolation,  constantly 
breaking  out  and  thwarting  the  interests  of  the  whole 
republic,  which  prolonged  the  war,  narrowed  the 
independence,  and  ultimately  was  a  potent  factor  in 
bringing  about  the  decline  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 

In  the  same  year,  however,  the  States  suffered 
another  reverse.  The  island  of  Schouwen  was  in- 
vaded by  an  army  which  marched  through  the  sea  to 
the  mainland  by  one  of  those  channels  which  separate 
the  islands  of  the  Dutch  coast,  and  its  capital,  Zie- 
rikzee,  was  besieged.  The  situation  induced  the  Hol- 
landers, though  with  no  little  hesitation,  to  take  an 
important  step. 

This  was  no  less  than  to  formally  discard  tlie 
sovereignty  of  Philip,  and  to  declare  their  indepen- 
dence as  far  as  he  was  concerned.  But  William  and 
the  States  were  far  from  believing  that  they  could  still 
stand  alone.  The  renunciation  of  Philip  was  neces- 
sary only  because  they  wished  or  felt  it  necessary 
that  they  should  adopt  some  other  prince  as  their 
lord,  provided,  of  course,  that  their  new  ruler  would 


I 


ss 


REQUESENS,    THE   GRAM)   COMMANDER, 


protect  their  reli<^non  and  their  liberties.  Negotia- 
tion with  divers  powers  were  continued  during  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  War  of  Independence. 

There  were  three  Powers  to  whom  they  might  apply 
—the  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  Queen  of  England, 
and  the  King  of  Erance.  The  first  of  these  seemed 
most  constitutional.  It  had  undoubtedly  been  the 
case  that  in  early  times  Holland  had  formed  part  of 
the  German  r:mpire,  and  the  fact  had  not  been  for- 
gotten in  the  negotiations  between  Philip  and  the 
emperor.  Had  the  proposition  of  William  been 
accepted,  the  indc[)cndcnce  of  Holland  would  practi- 
cally have  been  secured,  for  the  States  would  have 
occupied  the  position  which  the  German  sovereigns 
did  under  what  v/as  no  more  than  the  nominal 
supremacy  of  the  emperor.  No  doubt  the  religion  of 
the  Dutch,  Calvinism,  was  an  obstacle,  for  Protestant 
Germany  was  Lutheran,  and  fifty  years  later  the 
irreconcilable  enmity  of  the  Calvinists  and  Lutherans 
was  no  small  cause  of  the  disasters  which  .Germany 
suffered  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 

Another  difficulty  was  in  the  family  relations  of  the 
emperor  and  Philip.  The  princes  of  Austria,  Spain, 
and  Portugal  were  closely  connected  by  family  ties, 
and  marriages  often  taking  place  between  certain 
members  of  these  families,  by  the  Pope's  dispensa- 
tion, which  would  have  been  impossible  in  any  other 
persons.  In  Spain  and  Portugal  the  marriage  of 
uncle  and  niece  was  far  from  uncommon,  and  even 
more  closely  related  persons  were,  as  political  exi- 
gencies seemed  to  dictate,  contemplated  for  such 
unions.     Besides  the  real  assistance  the   Emperor  of 


I 


THE   POSSIBLE   ALLIES   OF  HOLLAND. 


89 


Germany  could  give  was  little.     Any  effectual  help 
must  come  from  the  Protestant  princes. 

Elizabeth  of  England  was  in  a  very  peculiar  posi- 
tion. Her  foreign  enemies  held  her  to  be  illegitimate. 
Her  rival,  Mary  Stewart,  was  indeed  in  prison,  and  was 
detested  in  Scotland.  But  she  had  her  party,  and 
carried  on  her  intrigues.  Again,  Elizabeth  was  very 
poor.  The  manufactures  and  trade  of  PLngland  were 
not  developed,  and  she  did  not  yet  suspect  that 
her  sailors  would  be  a  match  for  Spain.  Nor  did  she 
like  the  idea  of  patronizing  revolted  subjects.  It  was 
a  dangerous  precedent,  and  might  be  used  against 
her.  She  preferred,  therefore,  to  intrigue,  to  lend  a 
favourable  ear  to  the  States,  perhaps  to  assist  them 
secretly— at  any  rate,  to  assist  them  cautiously.  pA'en 
when  she  broke  with  Philip  and  went  to  war  with  him, 
she  greatly  hesitated.  Though  she  knew  that  the 
Netherlands  were  at  this  time  the  bulwark  of  England 
and  the  fortress  of  Protestantism,  she  was  timid  and 
slow.  She  would  and  she  would  not.  In  the  end  she 
helped  Holland  more  than  any  other  state  did. 

The  author  of  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew 
had  now  passed  away,  and  the  last  prince  of  the  hou.se 
of  Valois  was  on  the  throne.  He  was  even  a  more 
contemptible  per.son  than  his  predecessor,  and  the 
Queen  Dowager  was  the  real  ruler.  But  who  could 
trust  this  treacherous  Court,  whose  perfidy  was  even 
L^reater  than  that  of  Spain,  and  who.se  crimes  had 
been  more  colos.sal  ?  Still  Orange  inclined  to  Erance 
as,  indeed,  his  son  Maurice,  with  better  apparent 
rea.son,  did.  At  an\'  rate,  it  was  well  to  play  off  the 
jealou.sy  of  England  against  the  jealou.sy  of  France. 


90  REQUESENS,    THE   GRAND   COMMANDER. 

It  was  at  this  time,  as  \vc  are  told,  that  Orange 
seriously  meditated  the  scheme  of  transferrincr  the 
Hollanders  from  the  land  of  their  birth  to  a  new 
settlement,  either  in  the  Old  or  New  World.  It  might 
be  curious  to  speculate  on  what  the  course  of  history 
might  have  been  if  the  whole  population  had  migrated 
to  the  United  States  or  the  Tropics,  to  the  island  of 
Java  or  to  the  island  of  Manhattan,  and  that  either 
or  both  these  places  had  been  the  home  of  this  race 
instead  of  being  its  colonies.  Hut  it  was  destined 
that  luirope  should  be  the  theatre  of  the  great 
deliverance. 

It  is  not  certain  that  Orange  was  seriously  debating 
the  alternative  of  emigration.  It  has  been  confi- 
dently alleged  that  he  was  ;  it  has  been  as  confidently 
disputed.  Hut  on  March  5th  the  Grand  Commander 
died,  after  a  few  days'  illness.  There  was  a  lull  for  a 
time.  Philip,  as  years  passed  on,  became  more  pro- 
crastinating than  ever,  though  he  was  none  the  less 
absolute  and  determined  on  the  purposes  which  he 
had  formed. 


B 

1 

M 

^^ii^ii^ 

XI. 


DON    JOHN    OF   AUSTRIA. 

While  Philip  was  engaged  in  selecting  his  viceroy, 
trouble  befel  his  government  in  the  Netherlands. 
Immediately  after  the  fall  of  Zierikzce  the  Spanish 
troops  mutinied.  They  had  been  unpaid  for  years, 
and  no  money  was  forthcoming  from  Spain.  The 
Netherlands  had  been  nearly  drained,  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  neither  Philip  nor  his  lieutenants  desired 
to  utterly  impoverish  the  obedient  provinces.  The 
practice  of  these  mutineers  was  to  depose  their  own 
officers,  or,  at  least,  to  disobey  them,  and  to  elect  a 
temporary  chief,  to  whom  they  gave,  under  the  name 
of  l^letto,  full  powers  as  long  as  they  pleased  to  con- 
tinue them.  It  was  a  dangerous  pre-eminence,  for  a 
deposed  or  distrusted  Kletto  was  pretty  sure  to  forfeit 
his  life  with  his  office. 

The  mutineers  demanded  a  city,  and  succeeded  in 
capturing  Alost.  Thence  they  threatened  Hrussels. 
They  could  make  no  impression  on  it  ;  so,  having  ex- 
hausted Alost,  they  resolved  on  attacking  Antwerp. 
The  mutineers  had  been  outlawed  by  the  Government, 


92 


D0\    yUHX   OF  AUSTRIA, 


but  were  in  communication  witli  the  governor  of  the 
citadel  of  Antwerp.  The  Spaniards  burst  into  the 
city,  overpowered  its  defences,  and  the  Si^anish  fury 
took  place  on  November  4th.  It  surpassed  in  horror 
and  atrocity  anything  which  happened  during  the 
war.  The  soldiers  paid  themselves  handsomely,  for 
it  is  said  that  they  divided  among  themselves  five 
millions  of  crowns. 

The  sack  of  Antwerp  hastened  the  pacification  of 
Ghent,  which  William  had  been  negotiating.  It  pro- 
vided, though  unfortunately  it  was  short  lived,  for  the 
union  of  all  the  provinces  of  the  Netherlands,  for 
complete  amity  among  them,  and  for  the  restoration 
of  all  the  old  liberties.  It  was  signed  on  November 
8,  1576,  by  the  deputies  of  Holland  and  Zcland,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  by  those  of  thirteen  other  states  or 
cities,  on  the  other.  The  Spanish  soldiery  was  to  be 
expelled,  and  the  Inquisition  was  to  be  abolished. 
At  the  same  time,  Zierikzee  and  the  island  of 
Schouwen  were  abandoned  and  recovered.  Four 
days  before  the  pacification  of  Ghent  was  signed,  a 
cavalier,  attended  by  a  Moorish  slave,  rode  into 
Luxemb  )urg.  The  slave  was  in  reality  Don  John  of 
Austria,  the  new  governor,  who  entered  on  his  office 
in  this  strange  disguise. 

Don  John  of  Austria  was  an  illegitimate  son  of 
Charles  V.  His  mother  is  said  to  have  been  a 
washerwoman  of  Ratisbon,  who  lived,  during  Alva's 
administration  and  to  his  exceeding  discomfort,  at 
Ghent.  She  lived  there  till  her  son  arrived  as  gover- 
nor, when  she  was  persuaded  or  forced  to  retire  into 
Spain.     When  an  infant  John  was  put  under  the  care 


DON   yoUN's   EARLY   CAREER. 


93 


of  a  Spanish  grandee  and  carefully  educated.  When 
he  was  fourteen  years  of  age,  the  secret  of  his  birth 
was  made  known  to  him  by  Philip.  He  was  educated 
in  the  company  of  his  two  nephews,  Don  Carlos,  the 
heir-apparent  of  Spain,  and  Alexander  of  Parma.  It 
appears  that  Philip  designed  him  for  the  Church,  but 
Don  John  was  nothing  but  a  soldier,  and,  after  a 
struggle,  he  had  his  way. 

The  battle  of  Lcpanto,  in  which  John  defeated  the 
Turks,  was  fought  in  October,  1571,  and  the  fame  of 
the  commander  was  on  every  one's  tongue.  But  the 
victory  was  barren.  The  allies  might  have  taken 
Constantinople,  but  they  began  to  quarrel  with  each 
other.  John  strove  to  create  for  himself  a  kingdom 
in  Tunis.  But  Philip  interfered.  Then  Don  John, 
with  the  goodwill  of  the  Pope,  determined  to  invade 
Knirland,  to  dethrone  PLlizabcth,  to  liberate  and  marry 
the  imprisoned  Mary  Stewart,  and  make  himself  king 
of  England  and  Scotland.  As  he  was  gaining  the 
Pope's  assent,  news  came  to  him  that  he  had  been 
appointed  Governor-General  of  the  Netherlands.  It 
seemed  as  though  his  dream  was  almost  accom- 
plished. There  were  ten  thousand  Spanish  troops 
there,  the  bravest  veterans  in  the  world.  He  would 
soon,  he  imagined,  quiet  the  discontents  of  the 
Flemings,  and  then  win  his  kingdom.  It  was  true 
that  the  news  from  the  provinces  was  daily  more 
unsatisfactory,  as  he  was  waiting  for  the  last  instruc- 
tions of  the  dilatory  Philip.  Freed  at  last,  he  hurried, 
as  I  have  said,  in  disguise  through  France. 

AL^ainst  this  knight-errant,  William  was  to  exert 
all  his  energies  and  all  his  abilities.     He  implored  the 


THE   PURPOSES   OF  JOHN, 


95 


a] 

"a 

0 


n 


3 
O 


y. 


States  not  to  treat  with  John,  but  to  resist  him,  unless 
he  immediately  sent  away  the  Spanish  and  other 
foreign  troops.  For  a  time  the  States-General  were 
firm,  for  they  insisted  on  the  Ghent  Pacification.  Don 
John  affected  to  listen  to  them,  and  agreed  to  send 
away  his  troops,  only  stipulating  that  they  should  go 
by  sea.  He  intended  to  make  a  descent  on  England. 
The  States  began  to  suspect  his  determination  in  the 
manner  of  their  removal.  The  Ghent  treaty  was 
followed  by  the  Brussels  Union,  the  main  point  of  which 
was  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards.  Meanwhile  Fries- 
land  and  Groningen  had  been  gained  by  the  Dutch. 
At  last  Don  John,  after  much  fencing,  agreed  to  accept 
virtually  the  Pacification  of  Ghent.  He  held  firmly 
however  to  his  demand  that  the  troops  should  leave 
the  Netherlands  bv  sea.  In  a  short  time  this  was 
conceded  also  by  Don  John,  and  on  February  17, 
1577,  the  treaty  between  Philip  and  the  Netherlands 
was  signed  at  Brussels.  By  this  treaty  Don  John  and 
subsequently  Philip  agreed  that  all  foreign  troops 
should  be  withdrawn,  never  to  return  except  in  case 
of  foreign  war,  that  all  prisoners  should  be  releasedi 
except  the  eldest  son  of  Orange,  who  had  been  kid- 
napped nearl)'  twenty  years  before,  though  he  should 
be  set  free  as  soon  as  his  father  came  into  the  treaty. 
It  promised  to  maintain  all  the  privileges,  charters, 
and  free  institutions  of  the  Netherlands  and  confirmed 
the  peace  of  Ghent. 

It  now  seemed  that  the  Netherlands  had  gained  all 
they  asked  for,  and  that  everything  for  which  they  had 
contended  had  been  conceded.  The  Blood  Council  of 
Alva  had  almost  extirpated  the  Reformers,  and  an 


M 


THE   PURPOSES   OF  JOHN, 


95 


n 


-J 


G 


fc 


States  not  to  treat  with  John,  but  to  resist  him,  unless 
he  immediately  sent  away  the  Spanish  and  other 
foreign  troops.  1m  )r  a  time  the  States-General  were 
firm,  for  they  insisted  on  the  Ghent  Pacification.  Don 
John  affected  to  listen  to  them,  and  agreed  to  send 
away  his  troops,  only  stipulating^  that  they  should  go 
by  sea.  He  intended  to  make  a  descent  on  England. 
The  States  began  to  suspect  his  determination  in  the 
manner  of  their  removal.  The  Ghent  treaty  was 
followed  by  the  Brussels  Union,  the  main  point  of  which 
was  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards.  Meanwhile  iM'ies- 
land  and  Groningen  had  been  gained  by  the  Dutch. 
At  last  Don  John,  after  much  fencing,  agreed  to  accept 
virtuall)'  the  I'acification  of  Ghent.  He  held  firmly 
however  to  his  demand  that  the  troops  should  leave 
the  Netherlands  1)\-  sea.  In  a  short  time  this  was 
conceded  also  b)'  Don  John,  and  on  T^ebruary  17, 
1577,  the  treaty  between  Philip  and  the  Netherlands 
was  signed  at  Brussels.  \\y  this  treaty  Don  John  and 
subsequentl)'  Philip  agreed  that  all  foreign  trooi)s 
should  be  withdrawn,  ne\er  to  return  except  in  case 
of  foreign  war,  that  all  prisoners  should  be  releasedi 
except  the  eldest  son  of  Orange,  who  had  been  kid- 
napi)ed  nearl\-  twent)'  years  before,  though  he  should 
be  set  free  as  soon  as  his  father  came  into  the  treaty, 
it  promised  to  maintain  all  the  privileges,  charters, 
and  free  institutions  of  the  Netherlands  and  confirmed 
the  peace  of  Ghent. 

It  now  seemed  that  the  Netherlands  had  gained  all 
the\'  asked  for,  and  that  everything  for  which  they  had 
contended  had  been  conceded.  The  J^lood  Council  of 
Alva  had  almost  extirpated  the  Reformers,  and  an 


-I 


96 


I)()\   JOHN   OF  AUSTRIA. 


I 


overwhclminc:^  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Low 
Countries  with  the  exception  of  the  llollaiulcrs  and 
Zclanders,  belonged  to  the  old  Churcli,  provided  the 
Inquisition  was  done  away  with,  and  a  religious  peace 
was  accorded. 

But   Don  John  had  to   reckon  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange.     In  him    William   had    no  confidence.     He 
could    not    forget    the    past.      lie    believed    that    the 
signatures  and  concessions  of  the  governor  and  Philip 
were  only  expedients  to  gain  time,  and  that  they  would 
be  revoked  or  set  aside  as  soon  as  it  was  convenient 
or  possible  to  do  so.     Apart  from  \\i>  knowledge  of 
the  men  with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  he  had  intercei)ted 
letters    from   the    leading    Spaniards    \n    Don  John's 
employment,  in  which,  when  the  treaty  was  in  course 
of  signature,  designs  were  disclosed  of  keeping  posses- 
sion of  all  the   strong  places  in  the  country,  with  the 
object  of  reducing  the  patriots  in  detail.     He  saw  that 
the  citadels  which  had   been  built   wtM'c  still   to  be   in 
the  hands  of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  he  well  knew 
what  this  meant. 

Above  all,  William  distrusted  the  Flemish  nobles. 
He  knew  them  to  be  greedy,  fickle,  treacherous,  ready 
to  betray  their  country  for  personal  advantage,  and  to 
ally  themselves  blindly  with  their  natural  enemies. 
The  Perpetual  Edict,  the  name  given  to  the  new  treaty, 
was  not,  he  saw,  the  same  as  the  Pacification  of  Ghent, 
though  it  purported  to  recognize  that  rxcord.  The 
very  fact  that  the  Flemish  nobles  trusted  the  conces- 
sions of  Philip,  made  him  the  more  distrust  it  and 
them.  And  as  events  proved,  Orange  was  in  the  riHit 
Hence  he  refused  to  recognize  the  treaty  in  his  own 


ORAXGi:    SUSPECTS   JOHN, 


97 


states  of  Holland  and  Zeland.  As  soon  as  it  was 
published  and  sent  to  him,  William  after  conference 
with  these  states,  published  a  severe  criticism  on  its 
provisions.  He  knew  perfectly  well  that  Philip  and 
his  deputy  would  do  all  in  their  power  to  win  him 
over,  even  to  a  seeming  consent.  They  on  their  part, 
as  their  discovered  correspondence  shows,  knew 
that  the  success  or  failure  of  their  machinations  de- 
pended on  their  success  in  hoodwinking  Orange. 
"The  name  of  your  Majesty,"  says  Don  John,  "is  as 
much  abhorred  and  despised  in  the  Netherlands,  as  that 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  loved  and  feared."  Put  the 
governor  did  not  and  could  not  conceive  that  there  was 
one  thing  which  William  valued  above  all  offers  and 
all  bribes,  and  that  was  the  security  and  freedom  of 
the  country  whose  affairs  he  was  administering. 

In  all  seeming  however  Don  John  was  prepared  to 
carry  out  his  engagements.      He  got    together  with 
difficulty  the  funds  for  paying  the  arrears  due  to  the 
troops,  and   sent  them  off  by  the  end  of  April.      He 
caressed  the  people  and  he  bribed  the    nobles.     He 
handed    over    the   citadels  to  Plemish  governors,  and 
entered    Brussels    on    May  1st.     Everything  pointed 
to  success  and  mutual  good  will.     But  we  have  Don 
John's  letters,  in  which  he  speaks  most  unreservedly 
and  most  unflatteringly  of  his  new  friends,  and  of  h.is 
designs  on  the  liberties  of  the  Netherlands,    And  all 
the  while  that  Philip  was  soothing  and  flattering  his 
brother,  he  had  determined  on  ruining  him,  and  on 
murdering  the  man   whom  that  brother  loved  and 
trusted.    About  this  time,  too,  we  find  that  Philip  and 
his  deputy  were  casting  about  for  the  means  by  which 


CO 

'A 
3i 


•J 
b: 

c 


DEATH  OF  JOHN, 


99 


they  mii^ht  assassinate  the  Prince  of  Orange,  **  who 
had  bewitched  the  whole  people  !  "  Meanwhile  they 
continued  to  nei^otiate  with  him. 

An  attempt  of  Don  John  to  t^et  possession  of  the 
citadel  of  Antwerp  for  himself  failed,  and  tlie  patriots 
t^^ained  it.  The  merchants  of  Antwerp  aj^reed  to  find 
the  pay  still  owing  to  the  soldiers,  on  condition  of 
their  quitting  the  city.  But  while  they  were  discuss- 
ing the  terms,  a  fleet  of  Zeland  vessels  came  sailing 
up  the  Scheldt.  Immediately  a  cry  was  raised,  ''  The 
Beggars  are  coming,"  and  the  soldiers  fled  in  dismay. 
Then  the  Antwerpers  demolished  the  citadel,  and 
turned  the  statue  of  Alv^a  again  into  cannon. 

After  these  events,  William  of  Orange  put  an  end 
to  negotiations  with  Don  John.  Prince  William  was 
in  the  ascendant.  But  the  Catholic  nobles  conspired 
against  him,  and  induced  the  Archduke  Matthias, 
brother  of  the  German  Emperor  Rodolph,  to  accept 
the  place  of  governor  of  the  Netherlands  in  lieu  of 
Don  John.  He  came,  but  Orange  was  made  the 
Ruwaard  of  Brabant,  with  full  military  power.  It  was 
the  highest  office  which  could  be  bestowed  on  him. 
The  *'  Union  of  Brussels"  followed  and  was  a  confe- 
deration of  all  the  Netherlands.  But  the  battle  of 
Gemblours  was  fought  in  P^'ebruary,  1578,  and  the 
patriots  were  defeated.  Many  small  towns  were  cap- 
tured, and  it  seemed  that  in  course  of  time  the 
governor  would  recover  at  least  a  part  of  his  lost 
authority.  But  in  the  month  of  September,  Don 
John  was  seized  with  a  burning  fever,  and  died  on 
October  ist.  His  heart  was  buried  at  Namur,  but 
his  body  was  carried  to  Spain, 


DEATH  OF  JOI/N-, 


99 


crt 


■r. 
■r 


they  mit^ht  assassinate  the  Trince  of  Orange,  ''  who 
had  hrw  itchcil  the  whole  peoph' !  "  ]\Ie;'in\  liilc  tliey 
continued  to  ncL;oli.ile  with  liini. 

An  attempt  of  Don  Jt)hn  to  i^et  possession  of  tlie 
citadel  of  Antwerp  for  himself  failed,  and  tl'.e  patriots 
•gained  it.  The  merehants  of  Antwerp  ai^rccd  to  fmil 
the  pay  still  owini;  to  the  soldiers,  on  contlilion  of 
their  quittini,^  the  city.  Ihit  while  the\'  were  discuss- 
ing the  terms,  a  fleet  of  Zcland  vessels  came  sailinj^ 
ui)  the  Scheldt.  Immediateh' a  er\-  was  raised,  ''The 
He<'*J:ars  are  connn'j,,"  and  the  soldiers  fled  in  dismaw 
Then  the  Antwerpers  demolished  the  citadel,  and 
turned  the  statue  of  Alva  a<'ain  into  cannon. 

After  these  events,  William  of  Oranj^c  put  an  end 
to  nejjotiations  w  ith  Don  |(»hn.  I'rince  William  was 
in  the  ascendant.  lUit  the  Catholic  nobles  conspired 
a<;ainst  liim,  and  induced  the  Archduke  Matthias, 
brother  of  the  (ierman  I-lmperor  Rodol[)h,  to  accept 
the  i)lace  of  j^owrnor  (^f  th«j  Netherlands  in  lieu  of 
Don  J(jhn.  11(  came,  but  ( )ran<4C  was  made  the 
Ruwaard  of  Brabant,  with  full  military  power.  It  was 
the  liiehest  ofllce  which  ccndd  be  bestowed  on  him. 
The  *'  Union  of  Hrussels"  followed  and  was  a  confe- 
deration of  all  the  Xetherlands.  liut  the  battle  of 
Gembhnirs  was  fouL,dit  in  l'ebruar\*,  1 578,  and  the 
patriots  were  defeatetl.  Man)'  small  towns  were  cap- 
tured, and  it  seamed  that  in  course  of  time  the 
^L^overnor  would  recov^er  at  least  a  part  of  his  lost 
authority.  But  in  the  month  of  September,  Don 
John  was  seized  with  a  burnini^  fever,  and  died  on 
October  1st.  His  heart  was  buried  at  Namur,  but 
his  body  was  carried  to  Spain. 


I 


i- 


XII. 


ALEXANDER    OF    TARMA. 

The  new  governor  of  the  Netherlands,  son  of 
Ottavio  Farncse,  Prince  of  Parma,  ami  of  M.ir<;aret  of 
Parma,  sister  of  Philip  of  Spain,  was  a  very  different 
person  from  any  of  the  regents  who  had  hitherto  con- 
trolled the  Netherlands,  lie  was,  or  soon  proved 
himself  to  be,  the  greatest  general  of  the  age,  and  he 
was  equally,  according  to  the  statesmanship  of  the 
age,  the  most  accomplished  and  versatile  statesman. 
He  had  no  designs  beyond  those  of  Philip,  and  during 
his  long  career  in  the  Netherlands,  from  October,  1578, 
to  December,  1592,  he  served  the  King  of  Spain  as 
faithfully  and  with  as  few  scruples  as  Philip  could 
have  desired.  The  king  survived  the  prince  for 
nearly  six  years.  Put  he  survived  nearl>'  all  those 
who  took  part  in  the  prolonged  struggle  in  the  Nether- 
lands. Pad  as  his  constitution  was.  his  methodical 
life  and  his  entire  freedom  from  an>'  passion  whatever 
but  selfishness  allowed  him  to  grow  old. 

Parma  was  religious,  but  he  had  no  morality  what- 
ever.     He  was  not    bigoted    like  Alva,   for   he   was 


PARMA  S   CHARACTER. 


lOI 


politic,  and  knew  that  unwise  severity  might  baffle  a 
commantler  and   ruin    a  campaign.      Hut    he   had   no 
scruple  in  deceiving,  lying,  assassinating,  and  even  less 
scruple  in  sa\ing  or  swearing  that  he  had  done  none 
of  these  things.     Men  whose  creed  is  that  they  have  an 
indefeasible  right  to  the  lives  and   fortunes,  and  even 
to  the  consciences  of  their  subjects,  as  they  call  them, 
arc  seldom  scrupulous.    Now  such  men,  if  they  possess 
military  genius  in  time  of  war,  and  diplomatic  skill  in 
times  of  peace,  are  and  always  will   be   (for  the  t\'j)e 
exists,  though     the    manner    is    changed)  the    worst 
enemies  of  the  human  race.     To  complete  the  picture 
of  I'arma's  character,  it  shouKl  be  added  that  he  was 
entirely  disinterested.      I  le  impoverished  himself,  wore 
himself  out,  was  lavish  in  bribing  others,  but  was  tem- 
perate, plain   in  his  habits,  unsparing  of  his  own  life, 
and    entirely    disinterested.      He    had    an    excellent 
judgment   of  men,  and  indeed  he  had  experience  of 
the   two  extremes,  of  the  exceeding  baseness   of  the 
Flemish  nobles,  and  of  the  lofty  and  pure  patriotism  of 
the   Dutch   patriots.     Nothing  indeed   was   more  un- 
fortunate for  the   Dutch,  than  the  belief  which  they 
entertained,  that  the  Flemings  who  had  been  dragooned 
into  uniformity,  could  be  po.ssibly  stirred  to  patriotism. 
Alva  had  done  his  work  thoroughly.     It  is  possible 
to  extirpate  a  reformation.      Put  the  success  of  the 
process  is   the  moral   ruin  of  those  who  are  the  sub- 
jects of  the  experiment. 

Fortunately,  for  Parma,  there  was  a  suitor  for  the 
Netherland  sovereignty,  in  the  person  of  the  very 
worst  prince  of  the  very  worst  ro)'al  family  that  ever 
existed   in   luirope,  /.t\,  the  Duke  of   Anjou,  of   the 


102 


ALEXAMJER   OF  PARMA, 


THE    UMON   OF   UTRECHT, 


103 


house  of  Valois.  This  person  was  favoured  by 
Orange,  probably  because  he  had  detected  PhiHp's 
designs  on  France,  and  thought  that  national  jealousy 
would  induce  the  French  Government,  which  was 
Catherine  of  Medici,  to  favour  the  Low  Countries. 
Besides,  Parma  had  a  faction  in  every  Flemish  town, 
who  were  known  as  the  Malcontents,  who  were  the 
part}'  of  the  greedy  and  unscrupulous  nobles.  And, 
besides  Anjou,  there  was  the  party  of  another  pre- 
tender, John  Casimir,  of  Poland.  He,  however,  soon 
left  them.  Parma  quickly  found  in  such  dissensions 
plenty  of  men  whom  he  could  usefully  bribe.  He 
made  his  first  purchases  in  the  Walloon  district,  and 
secured  them.  The  provinces  here  were  Artois, 
Hainault,  Lille,  Douay,  and  Orchies.  They  were 
soon  permanently  reunited  to  Spain. 

On  January  29,  1579,  the  Union  of  Utrecht, 
which  was  virtually  the  Constitution  of  the  Dutch 
Rei)ublic,  was  agreed  to.  It  was  greater  in  extent  on 
the  Flemish  side  than  the  Dutch  Republic  finally 
remained,  less  on  that  of  Friesland.  Orange  still  had 
hopes  of  including  most  of  the  Netherland  seaboard, 
and  he  still  kept  up  the  form  of  allegiance  to  Philip. 
The  principal  event  of  the  year  was  the  siege  and 
capture  of  ALaestricht.  The  Hollanders  could  not 
make  up  their  mind  to  the  sacrifice  which  was 
necessary  in  order  to  save  it.  Mechlin  also  was 
betrayed  by  its  commander,  De  l^ours,  who  reconciled 
himself  to  Romanism,  and  received  the  pay  for  his 
treason  from  Parma  at  the  same  time.  In  IVIarch, 
1580,  a  similar  act  of  treason  was  committed  by 
Count   Renneberg,   the    governor  of    I-'riesland,    who 


betrayed  its  chief  city,  Groningen.  He  had  assured 
the  burgomaster  of  the  city  the  night  before,  that 
such  guilt  was  far  from  his  thoughts,  and  murdered 
the  burgomaster  next  day.  The  honest  men  of 
this  age  were  the  burghers.  With  few  exceptions,  the 
nobles  were  corrupt,  and  when  they  were  not  corrupt, 
often  disgraced  the  cause  they  served  by  violence  and 
cruelty,  by  drunkenness  and  recklessness. 

In  this  year,  Philip  became  also  King  of  Portugal. 
He  not  only  now  had  the  whole  of  the  Spanish 
peninsula  under  his  sway,  but  he  succeeded  to  that 
estate  in  the  East  Indies  which  Alexander  the 
Sixth,  of  pious  memory,  had  conferred  on  the  Portu- 
<mese  kine  nearly  a  century  before.  The  event  was 
important,  because  the  quarrel  of  the  Low  Countries 
with  Spain  led  to  the  creation  of  the  Dutch  East 
India  trade,  and  to  the  foundation  of  the  Dutch 
Empire  in  the  Moluccas.  We  shall  see  in  the  course 
of  this  narrative  how  the  Dutch  had  their  opportu- 
nities, and  insisted  on  the  rights  which  they  had 
acquired. 

In  the  same  year,  June,  1580,  was  published  the 
ban  of  Philip.  This  instrument,  drawn  up  by 
Cardinal  Granvelle,  declared  Orange  to  be  traitor  and 
miscreant,  made  him  an  outlaw,  put  a  heavy  price 
on  his  head  (25,000  gold  crowns),  offered  the  assassin 
the  pardon  of  any  crime,  how^ever  heinous,  and  nobility, 
whatever  be  his  rank.  Philip  had  tried  to  cajole  him. 
I  le  had  tried,  by  enormous  offers,  to  bribe  him.  He 
was  now  determined,  if  possible,  to  murder  him  ;  and 
at  last,  after  four  years'  anxious  strivings,  he  succeeded. 
William   answered   the  ban  by  a  vigorous  appeal  to 


104 


ALEXANDER   OF  PARMA, 


the  civilized  world  He  had,  indeed,  but  a  hmited, 
perhaps  a  powerless  audience,  for  the  doctr.nc  of 
poh'tical  assassination  had  been  taught  for  some  time 
by  the  Jesuits.  They  had  conspired  against  KJizabcth, 
but  the  Queen  was  well  informed.  Walsingham  had  a 
quick  scent  for  these  vermin,  b.ifHcd  them  while  he 
lived,  and  had  his  successors  or  disciples  in  the  craft. 
But  William,  while  he  sent  his  ''Apology  "  to  all  the 
potentates  in  luirope,  was  certain  <»f  the  sympathy 
and  affection  of  the  Dutch  States,  then  assembled  at 
Delft. 

Renneberg,  the  traitor,  laid  siege  to  Steenwxk  the 
principal  fortress  of  Drenthe,  at  the  beginning  of 
15^1.  There  were  Malcontents  in  the  place,  \nd 
foremost  among  them  was  a  butcher,  who  wanted  to 
know  what  the  population  was  to  eat  when  the  meat 
was  gone.  "  \Vc  will  eat  >t)u,  villain,"  the  commander 
answered,  "first  of  all,  so  you  may  be  sure  you  will 
not  die  of  starvation."  In  February,  John  Norris,  the 
English  general,  one  of  Elizabeth's  chickens  of  Mars 
relieved  the  town.  Renneberg  raised  the  siege,  was' 
defeated  in  July  by  the  same  Norris,  and  died^full  of 
remorse,  a  few  days  afterwartls. 

But  the  most  important  event  in  1581  was  the 
declaration  of  Dutch  Independence,  formally  issued 
at  the  Hague  on  the  26th  of  July.  Bv  this  instrument 
Orange,  though  most  unwillingly,  felt  himself  obliged 
to  accept  the  sovereignty  over  f  Tolland  and  Zelmd 
and  whatever  else  of  the  seven  provinces  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  patriots.  The  Netherlands  were  now 
divided  into  three  portions.  The  Walloon  Provinces 
in  the  south  were  reconciled  to    Philip    and    Parma 


^l'!l: 


fh'  'Vim 
/ 


i  W 


311^'^ 


'I; 


4 
'J 


UJ 


O 


u 


io6 


ALEXANDER   OF  PARMA. 


PHILIP  RENOUNCED. 


107 


The  middle  provinces  were  under  the  almost  nominal 
sovereignty  of  Anjou,  the  northern  were  under  William. 
The  Prince  of  Orange  really  desired  that  the  sove- 
reignty of  Holland  should  also  be  conferred  on  Anjou, 
but  the  Estates  would  not  have  him,  and  would  have 
none  but  William,  Father  William  as  they  affection- 
ately called  him. 

Philip's  name  was  now  discarded  from  public  docu- 
ments, his  authority  was  formally,  as  it  loni;  hatl  been 
effectively,  disowned ;  his  seal  was  broken,  and  William 
was  thereafter  to  conduct  the  government  in  his  own 
name.  The  instrument  was  styled  an  **  Act  of  Abjura- 
tion." At  this  time,  it  seems  surprising  that  so  much 
delay  was  made  in  performing  an  act,  which  had 
virtually  been  in  operation  for  almost  a  generation. 
But  just  as  the  value  of  history  consists  in  extracting 
wisdom  for  the  future  from  the  exj)erience  of  the 
past,  because  the  record  of  social  life  to  have  value 
must  be  continuous,  and  because  even  the  remote 
past  has  its  bearing  on  the  present,  so  it  is  quite 
necessary,  if  we  are  to  have  any  reality  in  our  inter- 
pretation of  the  past,  to  project  ourselves  into  it,  and 
strive  with  all  our  powers,  original  or  borrowed,  to 
realize  what  the  past  was.  An  English  historian, 
when  he  was  asked  when  modern  history  began,  in- 
stantly answered  with,  "  The  call  of  Abraham,"  and, 
indeed,  the  historical  student  cannot  neglect  without 
serious  injury  to  his  study  of  what  is  after  all  the 
scanty  fragments  of  human  action  which  survive, 
anything  whose  influence  is  still  enduring. 

The  fact  is,  the  action  of  .the  Dutch  Republic  was 
the  first  appeal  which  the  world  has  read  on  the  duties 


of    rulers   to   their    people.       Men    have    revolted    a 
thousand  times  against  tyranny  and  misgovernment, 
sometimes  successfully,  more  frequently  to  be  crushed 
into  more  hopeless  servitude.     The  Dutch   were  the 
first  to  justify  their  action  by  an  appeal  to  the  first 
principles  of  justice.     They  were  the  first  to  assert 
that   human    institutions,   and    human    allegiance   to 
governments  are  to  be  interpreted  and  maintained  by 
their  manifest  utility.     They  were  the  first   to   assert 
and  prove  that  men  and  women  are  not  the  private 
estate  of  princes,  to  be  disposed  of  in  their  industry, 
their  property,  their  consciences,  by  the  discretion  of 
those  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  be  able  to  live  by 
the  labours  of  others.     They  were  the  first  to  affirm 
that    there   is,  and    must   be,  a  contract  between   the 
ruler  and  the  people,  even  though  that  contract   has 
not  been  reduced  to  writing,  or  debated  on,  or  fought 
for  ;  and  strangely  enough,  the  idea  which  lay  under 
this  doctrine  was  derived  from  that  which  had  now 
become  the  principal   instrument  of   oppression  and 
wrong  doing.      The   feudal   system  from   whicli   the 
Dutch  broke  away,  was  the  origin   of  the  tenet   that 
the  duties  of  the  ruler  and  the  subject  are  reciprocal. 
But  this   doctrine   had  been  buried  and  forgotten. 
In    modern    times    constitutional    antiquaries    have 
exhumed  it  and  wrangled  over  it.    The  other  doctrine, 
sedulously  taught    by  venal   lawyers   and    ambitious 
priests,  that  every  right  which  man  has  is  held  at  the 
discretion  of  the  prince,  and  that  every  opinion  he 
entertains  is  to  be  guided,  controlled,  or  abandoned  at 
the  bidding  of  the  priest,  had   smothered   the   more 
ancient   theory   of   recii  rocal    obligation.      The  two 


io8 


ALEXANDER   OF  PARMA. 


rulers,  king  and  priest,  had  entered  into  a  compact. 
The  latter  was  to  teach  the  doctrine  of  passive 
obedience,  the  former  was  to  support  the  creed  which 
the  latter  thought  proper  to  promulgate,  with  the 
secular  arm.  During  the  whole  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  English  clergy  were  teaching  the  doctrine 
of  {Missive  obedience  from  the  ten  thousand  pulpits. 
A  century  after  the  declaration  of  Dutch  Inde- 
pendence, Hobbes,  who  believed  nothing,  laid  down 
the  doctrine  that  a  subject  ought  to  take  that  creed 
which  the  discretion  of  the  king  supplied  him  with. 

It  is  impossible  to  over-estimate  the  timeliness,  the 
significance,  the  value  of  the  Act  of  Abjuration. 
The  sturdy  Hollanders,  at  a  time  when  public  liberty 
seemed  entirely  lost,  and  despotism  had  become  a 
religious  creed,  began  the  political  reh^rmation.  The 
teachers  of  hlurope  in  everything,  they  are  the  first  to 
argue  that  governments  exist  for  nations,  not  nations 
for  governments.  And  as  precedents,  especially  suc- 
cessful ones,  govern  the  world,  the  Dutch  gave  the 
cue  for  the  luiglish  Parliamentary  war,  and  the 
Knglish  Revolution,  to  the  American  Declaration  of 
Independence,  to  the  better  side  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution, and  to  the  public  spirit  which  has  slowly  and 
imperfectly  recovered  liberty  from  despotism. 


XIII. 

Tin:    LAST   VKAKS    (  >F   WILLIAM    THE   SILENT. 

It  was  no  doubt  unfortunate  for  the  Dutch  Re[)ublic, 
that  Orange  declined  so  persistently  the  sovereignty 
wliich  the  United  riovinces  pressed  on  him.  Had  he 
taken  what  they  offered,  the  Dutch  Republic  would, 
in  all  likelihood,  have  comprised  the  wIkjIc  of  the 
Netherlands,  except  the  Walloon  Provinces,  and  would 
have  held  the  whole  seaboard  from  the  mouth  of  the 
l£ms  to  Dunkirk.  William  might  have  controlled  the 
violence  of  the  Ghent  democrac)',  the  intrigues  of  the 
Flemish  nobles,  and  the  religious  reaction  which 
finally  made  Relgium  so  intensely  Roman  Catholic. 
He  nn'ght  even  have  baffled  the  ready  genius  of 
Parma,  and  have  extended  the  military  reputation  of 
his  country  b)-  land  as  well  as  by  sea.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  refusal  of  Orange  was  partly  due  to  a 
desire  of  avoiding  even  the  appearance  of  self-seeking, 
but  it  was  also  due  to  a  belief  that  the  defeat  of 
Philip's  t\'ranny  could  only  be  finall.\'  effected  l)y  the 
a.ssistance  of  foreign  Powers,  France  or  England,  or 
both.     He  did  not  suspect,  perhaps  no  one  suspected, 


li 


ANyou. 


Ill 


ii 


mm 


< 

< 
o 


what  wore  tlic   inlicrcnt  resources  of  the  youn^  re- 
public.    In   the  nK\'ui\\hile,  and  till  the  nc^^otiations 
with    Anjou    could    be    completed,   the    influence    of 
William  was  great  in  the  United  Provinces. 

William  believed  that  the  wretched  kinf^  of  France 
would  fulfil  the  promises  which  he  abundantly  made 
of  helping  his  brother  in  case  the  United  Provinces 
elected  him  as  their  prince.  It  was  known  that 
Catherine  of  IMedici,  the  old  Queen-mother,  was 
eaircr  that  her  younijest  son  should  receive  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands,  and  it  was  quite 
understood  that  the  policy  of  the  Queen-mother  was 
the  policy  of  I^ance.  Hut  the  courtiers,  the  iNigfuyus, 
as  they  were  called,  of  the  king  had  been  made 
familiar  with  Spanish  gold,  for  Philip,  wh(^  starved 
his  armies,  was  lavish  in  bribes  to  partisans.  Per- 
haps no  king  spent  so  much  in  bribery  with  such 
poor  results  in  the  end. 

This  was  the  time  in  which  Anjou  was  engaged  in 
that  strange  courtship  of  PLlizabeth  which  caused  so 
much  amusement  and  excited  so  much  anger  and 
alarm.  While  the  United  Provinces  were  discussing 
the  terms  of  his  sovereignty,  he  was  in  tlngland. 
While  he  was  absent,  Parma  besieged  and  reduced 
Tournay,  the  Prince  of  Orange  being  most  inade- 
quately supported  by  those  whose  liberties  he  was 
doing  his  best  to  protect.  The  fact  is,  the  disunion  of 
the  Provinces  led  to  their  being  attacked  and  reduced 
in  detail.  Anjou  returned  to  flushing  on  February 
10,  1582,  and  was  inaugurated  at  Antwerp.  He 
was  accompanied  by  a  train  of  distinguished  Fnglish- 
men— Leicester,  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  with  many  others 


i 


112    77//i    LAST    YEARS   OF    WILLIAM    THE    6ILE.\T, 


ATTEMPT   OX    WILLIAM  S    LIFE. 


113 


— who  were  to  assist  hereafter  in  the  foundation  and 
strcn^i^^thcnin:^  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 

And  now  the  first  effects  of  the  ban,  the  outlawry 
of  William,  were  to  be  exhibited.  On  Sunday, 
March  18,  1582,  Oran^^e  was  entertaining  some  of 
his  kindred  at  dinner,  as  it  was  the  birthday  of  the 
Duke  of  Anjou.  As  he  was  leaving  the  room,  a 
young  man  advanced  from  among  the  servants  and 
offered  him  a  petition.  He  took  it,  and  the  man 
suddenly  drew  a  pistol  and  discharged  it  close  to  the 
Prince's  head.  The  bullet  passed  under  his  ri<dit  car. 
through  his  mouth,  and  the  other  jaw.  He  believed, 
as  did  those  about  him,  that  he  was  mortally 
wounded. 

The  assassin  was  instantly  slain.  William  was  led 
into  his  chamlnr,  iiml  the  wound  examined  b)'  the 
surgeons.  It  >ee:ned  dangerous,  but  the  flame  from 
the  pistol  had  been  so  close  that  it  had  actually  cau- 
terised the  wound.  He  was  instructed  to  be  silent, 
and.  though  he  complied,  he  wrote  incessantly. 

Meanwhile,  a  horrible  suspicion  came  over  the 
minds  of  the  Flemings.  It  was  believed  that  the 
Prince  was  dead,  and  had  been  murdered  at  the  itisti- 
gation  of  Anjou.  People  remembered  the  massacre 
of  St.  J^artholomew,  hardly  ten  years  ago,  and  the 
treacherous  murder  of  the  bravest  and  noblest 
rVenchmen  under  the  guise  of  friendship  and  cordi- 
ality. But  the  suspicion  was  soon  allayed.  Maurice, 
the  Prince's  son,  destined  hereafter  to  rival  Parma  as 
a  general,  remained  by  the  body  of  the  murderer.  A 
search  was  made,  and  every  article  found  on  the 
assassin's  person  was  carefully  secured.     On  exami- 


nation, it  was  found  that  all  the  papers  were  in 
Spanish,  and  that,  therefore,  there  was  no  evidence  of 
a  I'^rcnch  conspiracy  The  fact  was  .soon  coinmuni- 
cated,  and  the  relief  was  great.  There  had  been  so 
much  treachery  astir  that  any  one  might  be  sus- 
pected. 

The  murderer's  pocket  contained  a  dagger.  The  dis- 
charge of  the  ])istol  had  blown  off  his  thumb,  or  he 
probablv  would  have  used  it.  There  \va>  a  (juantit)-  of 
trumpery  charms  besides,  some  religious  manuals,  a 
pocket-book  containing  two  Spanish  bills  of  exchange 
—  one  f(^r  2,000  and  the  other  for  ^jy  crowns— and 
a  .set  of  writing-  tablets  ccwered  with  praxers  and  vows. 
The  writer  invoked  the  Virgin  Mary, the  Angel  (iabriel, 
the  Saviour,  and  the  Saviour's  Son,  i)raying  them  to 
aid  him  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  deed.  He  pro- 
mised to  bribe  them  all  with  presents  at  their  shrines 
if  he  got  off  safely.  It  seems,  also,  that  his  instiga- 
tors had  persuaded  him  that  after  the  deed  was  done 
he  would  become  invisible. 

It  was  soon  found  out  that  the  man  was  Juan 
Jaureguy,  a  Spanish  servant  in  the  employ  of 
Anastro,  a  Spanish  merchant  in  Antwerp.  Anastro 
had  flown  —  gone  to  Calai.s,  it  was  .said  ;  but  his 
cashier,  V^encro,  and  a  friar.  Antony  Zimmermann, 
were  arrested.  Anastro  was  on  the  verge  of  bank- 
ruptcN',  and  had  entered  into  an  engagement  with 
Philip  to  miu'der  Orange,  and  to  receive  80,000  ducats 
and  the  Cro.ss  of  Santiago  for  the  crime.  But  he  was 
too  prudent  to  undertake  the  deed  in  person.  He 
therefore  hired  Jaureguy  with  the  sum  alluded  to. 
He  had  then  fled  to  Dunkirk,  obtained  a  passport  on 


* 


114   T^^^  LAST    YEARS   OF    WILLIAM   THE   SILEXT. 

the  plea  of  havin^i^  important  letters  from  the  States 
admiral,  and,  before  the  news  came,  had  ^rot  safely 
into  Parma's  lines.  The  bargain  made  with  Philip 
was  signed  with  the  king's  hand  and  sealed  with  his 
seal.  Venero  and  Zimmermann  confessed  their 
crime,  were  tried,  and  executed  —  by  the  Prince's 
request  in  the  least  painful  manner— ten  days  after 
the  ev^ent. 

Put  the  Prince  gradually  recovered.  On  the  5th  of 
April,  however,  there  was  an  alarming  hemorrhage 
from  the  wound,  and  it  seemed  that  all  hope  was  lost. 
But  Anjou's  physician  arrested  the  flow  of  blood  by 
simple  pressure,  a  number  of  attendants,  one  after  the 
other,  keeping  their  thumbs  on  the  wound  day  and 
night  The  wound  was  closed,  and  on  May  2nd 
Orange  went  to  offer  his  thanksgiving  in  the  great 
Cathedral  of  Antwerp.  Unhappily  for  himr  the 
terror  and  anxiety  were  too  much  for  his  wife,  Char- 
lotte of  Bourbon,  who  died  on  May  5th,  three  days 
after  the  thanksgiving.  She  had  been  forced  into  a 
convent  against  her  will,  had  escaped,  and,  disowned 
by  her  relatives,  had  married  Orancre 

Parma,  getting  news  of  the  attemi)t  from  Anastro, 
and  being  assured  that  the  Prince  was  killed,  ad- 
dressed circular  letters  to  the  revolted  cities,  calling 
on  them,  now  that  the  tyrant  was  dead,  to  return  to 
their  allegiance,  to  the  forgiving  Philip,  and  to  the 
holy  Inquisition.  It  is  doubtful  whether  they  would 
have  done  so  without  a  struggle  even  if  the  deed  had 
been  successful.  As  it  was,  Parma's  ifivitation  only 
made  them  more  resolute.  Holland  and  Zeland  now 
urged  that  Orange  should  accept  the  sovereignt>-  over 


ANJOU   AND   AXTWERP, 


115 


these  provinces  without  limitation  of  time.  He  agreed 
to  do  so,  but  the  formal  inauguration  did  not  take 
place.  William  was  in  his  grave  before  all  the  preli- 
minaries were  settled. 

As  the  United  Provinces  had  accepted  Anjou  for 
their  duke  in  place  of  Philii),  PcUina  persuaded  the 
Walloon  Provinces  that  the  condition  under  which  the 
foreiun  soldiers  had  been  sent  away  was  now  removed, 
and  began  to  move  up  masses  of  Spanish  and  Italian 
troops.  He  was  not  indeed  inactive,  for  he  captured 
two  or  three  important  towns,  but  he  waited  till  he 
found  himself,  at  the  close  of  the  year,  at  the  head  of 
60,000  picked  and  trained  soldiers.  In  July,  another 
attempt,  also  at  the  instigation  of  Parma,  was  made 
to  assassinate  both  Anjou  and  Orange  by  poison. 
The  culi)rits  were  detected  and  duly  punished.  The 
younger  son  of  the  great  LLgmont  was  gravely  sus- 
pected of  being  an  accomplice.  Less  than  two  years 
before,  Orange  had  befriended  him  and  supplied  him 

with  money. 

The  good  understanding  between  Anjou  and 
Orange  remained  till  after  January  15th,  when  the 
duke,  in  contravention  of  his  oaths,  attempted  to 
overset  the  Constitution  and  seize  the  Flemish  towns. 
The  plot  was  kept  a  secret,  but  the  iMcnch  com- 
manders got  hold  simultaneously  of  Dunkirk,  Ostend, 
and  other  important  places.  But  they  were  discom- 
fited at  Bruges.  The  attempt  was  made  at  Antwerp 
on  the  17th,  but  the  burghers  rose,  defeated  the 
French  troops,  and  slew  1,500  of  them.  Anjou 
escaped.  The  attempt  was  known  henceforth  as  the 
French  Furv.     Still,  Orange  was  so  haunted  with  the 


¥  if 


9 


1^ 


■  i^ 


Il6    THE   LAST    YEARS   OF    WILLIAM    TllL    SILENT. 

idea  that  it  was  needful  to  propitiate  the  French,  that 
he  did  not  at  once  break  with  Anjou,  and.  to  bc'surc 
the  effrontery  of  the  French   prince  was  cq  lal  to  any 
emcr-ency.        What  really  determined    him   was  the 
discovery  that  Anjou  was  willin-  to  sell  his  position  to 
I'arma,  and  to  restore   l^hilip's  rei-n  over  the  iMn'ted 
Provinces.     Then   he  told  them  that  there  were  only 
three   courses  open   to  them -to  surrender  to   Philip 
and  lose  everything  ;    to  invite  Anjou  to  return  to  his 
government  ;  and  to  fi,rht  the  thin-  out  with  all  their 
means  and  with  all  their  lives.      He  preferred  the  last 
course,  but,  unfortunately,  he   had    learned   t(»o   well 
that,  except  in    Holland  and    Zeland,  a  Netherlands 
union  was  only  a  rope  of  sand. 

In   June,   15S5,   the    Duke    of   Anjou    went    away 
never    to    return.       John    Casimir    went    away    also.' 
Matthias,    -rand    duke    and    pretender,    had    already 
gone.     There  was  no  one  left  to  make  head  against 
Spain  but  Orange.      He  married,  for  the  fourtl^time, 
Louisa  de  Coligny.     The  son   of  this  marriage  was 
Frederic    Henry,    the    successor   of   Maurice  'in    the 
Dutch  sovereignty,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
among  the  succession,  unparalleled  among  nations  of 
illustrious    chief    citizens    of    Holland.      They   were 
William   the    Silent,   M<iurice,   Frederic    Henr\',  Wil- 
liam the   Second,  the  Third    the   Fnglish  king';,  and 
the  Fourth.     Again  the  states  of  the  IJnitcd  Provinces 
offered  William  the  sovereignty,  and  again  he  refused 
It.     So   he   refused   the   Duchy   of  Hrabant.      Mean- 
while, Parma  was  picking  up  the  towns  which  Anjou 
had   treacherously   seized   and   trca.nnably    deserted. 
Orange,  too,  had  to  endure  the  treason  of  his  brother- 


1 


5 


■r. 

O 


i 


Il6    THE    i.A.^i     W..I/..S    or    WILLIAM     LllL    .slLLXT. 

idea  that  it  uas  nredf,,!  to  propitiate  tlir  I  icch,  that 
'i'^  ^^'^^^  not  at  <.ncr  !.,r,ik  with  Aiijoii,  and,  t.)  bc'siirc, 
the'  rlf.ontcry  of  the  I-.v.u  h  prince  uas  c,  ,al  to  any 
enicr-cncv'.  What  really  detcrniinr.l  l,i,n  was  the 
drscoverv  that  .\r.-:,n,  wa.  wiHin-i..  m-11  Ii,\  p,  ...t ..  >„  tn 
''•""'"■I-  •""'  ^"^  •^-^'"-  rhilip\  ,vi-n  over  the  I'niicl 
^'"•'''^•'  '''Ji'''i    l^'-  t..l(l    them   that    ihd.    were  only 

three  courses  open  t..  them  !■.  miiivh.!.  ,  t..  i»h|i,j, 
and  loM-ru-nthin:^;  to  invit.'  \„,.„i  lo  .vtiiiii  to  his 
.l:<'V.  rninciu  ;  an. I  to  h^ht  the  thin-  out  with  all  their 
means  and  wMi  all  ihrir  lives.  |  (,.  p.vfcrrr.l  the  last 
course,   hut.   unfortunatel\-,   he    ha.l    l.a,,,,.!    t...,    well 

^'^'•^^'  '  '"''^  ;■"  N..llai..l  and  /rlaiul,  a  Wihcrlands 
nnion  \ui .  .  .iil\   a  rope  of  sand. 

In  Jniir.  i;S^,  the  Duke  of  .\niou  went  awav. 
never  t<.  r.tuin.  |..|,n  Casiniir  uent  aua\  also. 
Matthias.  ,;ian.I  dnk.-  and  pr<t<ihl,  , .  had  already 
i^-iic.      There   was   no  left  lo  make    h<  ad  ,i-ainst 

Spain  but  Oran-e  Ijr  married,  for  the  fourtirtime, 
I-«misa  de  Colio-ny.  The  .on  of  ,h,.  uMriia-c-  was 
I'vderir  n.,in,  the  sueccs.so,  ui  .Manure  hi  the 
\hiuh  sou  lei^^nty,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
anion- the  succession,  unparalleled  anion.;  nations  of 
illustrious  chief  eiti/ens  of  Holland.  jlu•^  were 
William  th<'  Silent,  Maun.-,-,  jrederic  Henry,  Wil- 
''ani  the  >ee..n.k  the  riurd  the  Jai-lish  kinV.and 
tlu-  I-..urth.      .\oain  the  statesof  the  United  I',."winces 


offered  William  the 


(•i-nt\-.  and  ,i;^.mi  he  relused 


•^-  So  he  relus.d  tlu-  Duchy  of  Hrabant.  Mean- 
while, I'arma  was  pickin-  up  the  towns  which  Anjou 
had  treacherously  seized  and  treasonabh-  deM-,ted. 
C)ran<^re,  too.  had  to  endure  th(    treason  .  .t  In.  brother- 


i! 


ffi  :'   1       i'll!  /Ill     • 

;'i''^^M^^'  k'l  ;:i'  ill' 


'  ','v.:;^# 


2 


'"   'My 


It  llfii 


1^ 


il/(rfv;"l 


I)' 


f'm 


:  1  tt 


rrvmiV 


f^ 


iii 


i 
f 


IlS    rilE   LAST    YEARS   OF    WILLIAM    THE   SILENT, 

in-law,  Van  dcr  Berg.  Still,  up  to  the  end,  he 
believed  it  possible  to  make  use  of  Anjoii,  who, 
however,  died  on  June  lo,  15S4. 

Since  the  outlawry  of  Oraiii^rc  had  been  pro- 
claimed, fwc  attempts  had  been  made  on  his  life,  with 
the  connivance  of  Philip,  or  Parma,  or  both.  A 
sixth  was  successful.  William  was  residing  at  Delft, 
a  little  town  near  Rotterdam,  in  the  summer.  I  lis 
youngest  child  had  been  just  baptized,  and  had  taken 
the  names  of  his  godfathers,  Frederic  of  Denmark 
and  Henry  of  Navarre.  Here  William  heard  of  the 
death  of  Anjou. 

Despatches  bearing  on  the  particulars  of  Anjou's 
death    had   been   received   by  William  on   July  8th. 
He  demanded  an  interview  with  the  courier,  and  a 
young  man,  about  27  years  old,  was  introduced.      He 
was  said  to  be  the  son  of  a  murdered  Calvinist,  and 
to  be  ardently  attached   to    his    father's  creed.      In 
reality,  he  was  a  fanatical  Catholic,  who  had  medi- 
tated the  murder  of  Orange  for  seven  )ears  or  more, 
had  consulted  several  Jesuits  on  the   best  means  of 
effecting  his  purpose,  had  forged  seals  in  order  to  pro- 
cure credit  with  his  victim,   and   had   been   in   close 
communication    with   Parma.       Parma   had    no    high 
opinion  of  him,  but  gave  him  the  u.ual  promise  of 
reward    in    case    he    succeeded.       His    parents    were 
enriched  and  ennobled  by  Philip  after  the  deed  was 
done,  and  the  pension  thev-  received  w  as  secured  upon 
the  estate  of  William  the  Silent's  eldest  son. 

The  man's  real  name  was  Balthasar  Gerard.  He 
called  himself  Francis  Guion.  It  appears  that  he  was 
conscientious  in  his  conviction  that  Orange  was  to  be 


MURDER   OF    WILLIAM, 


119 


murdered,  and  that  any  one  who  murdered  him  was 
serving  God  and  man.  The  only  thing  which  tauched 
his  conscience  was  the  fact  that  he  had  forced  seals 
in  order  to  get  access  to  his  victim.  He  was,  however, 
careful  to  bargain  for  his  reward  to  himself  if  he 
escaped,  to  his  heirs  if  he  fell  in  the  attempt.  So 
suspicious  had  Parma  been  of  his  powers  that  he  left 
him  almost  penniless,  and  Gerard  was  indebted  to 
William's  kindness  for  the  very  money  which  pur- 
chased the  pistols  with  which  he  murdered  his  bene- 
factor. 

At  two  o'clock  on  Tuesday,  July  10,  1584,  Gerard 
shot  William  the  Silent.  In  a  few  minutes  all  was 
over.  The  murderer  in  the  confusion  nearly  escaped, 
and  had  he  not  stumbled,  when  close  to  the  moat,  on 
the  other  side  of  which  a  horse  was  waiting  for  him, 
he  might  have  got  away.  He  was  caught,  brought 
back,  confessed  his  crime,  and  gloried  in  it.  Only  he 
concealed  Parma's  share  in  the  conspiracy.  That 
great  captain,  however,  who  had  dealt  in  such  matters 
so  often,  was  rightly  understood  to  be  the  principal 
agent  in  the  crime.  Ge.»'ard  was  tortured  horribly, 
but  bore  his  sufferings  with  fortitude  and  serenity. 
Had  William  liv^ed  a  few  davs,  he  would  have  been 
simply  executed.  After  two  days'  torment  he  was 
put  to  death  on  July  14th. 


AIMS   OF   THE   SPAMSU    KING. 


121 


XIV. 

THE    rkOJKCTS   OF    I'lilLIP. 

WlIEX  the  wisest  man  in  Holland  had  been  mur- 
dered, and  the  i^reato^t  c^encral  of  the  age  was  in  the 
prime  of  his  aetivity  and  skill,  Philip  ought  to  liave  had 
no  diffieultv  in  overcoming  the  resistance  of  tlie  Xether- 
lands.  And  when  we  add  to  this  that  the  cities  were  so 
jealous  of  each  other,  that  the\'  could  not  he  brought 
to  act  together,  that  they  were  constantly  at  strife  even 
in  their  own  walls,  were  hesitating  when  they  sliould 
have  been  bold,  penuri(jus  when  they  should  have  been 
liberal,  and  were  being  bought  and  sold  by  the  prince 
whom  they  had  invited  to  rule  over  them,  and  the 
nobles  whom  they  knew  to  have  committed  a  thousand 
treasons  against  i)ublic  libert\',  it  should  have  been 
easy  to  stamp  out  oppositicMi.  Holland  and  Zcland, 
it  is  true,  were  uncontaminated.  Thev  had  refused  to 
recognize  Anjou,  even  when  William  pressed  them  to 
do  so,  and  though  they  were  as  yet  unron scious  of 
their  powers,  and  could  not  foresee  the  ^leat  future 
which  was  before  them,  though  they  were  foolishly 
timid  and  parsimonious  at  times  when  courage  and 


self-sacrifice  wcnild    h  i\e  been    the  highest    wisdom, 
still  they  had  been  made  a  nation  by  Father  William. 

Philip  always  cherished  the  widest  schemes  of 
concjuest  or  aggrandisement.  He  wi.shed  to  achieve 
the  empire  of  the  world.  It  is  true  he  was  no  warrior, 
indeed,  he  was  little  better  than  a  clerk.  He  was  no 
fman<:ier,  for  his  revenue  was  anticipated  and  mort- 
ira^ed,  and  he  was  living  from  hand  to  mouth.  He 
never  imaijined  that  anv  difficulties  were  in  his  way, 
for  no  one  about  him  during  his  reign  of  forty-one 
years  hinted  that  there  was  an\thing  which  he  could 
not  accomplish.  It  must  be  allowed  that  he  bore  his 
own  losses,  which  wt  re  in  fact  the  losses  of  others, 
with  amazing  serenitw  He  planned  the  affairs  of  the 
world,  the  comiuest  of  kingdoms,  the  assassination  of 
j)rinces,  the  extirpation  of  heretics,  the  election  of 
popes,  and  a  thousand  other  things,  at  his  writing- 
desk  in  the  vast  palace  which  he  had  built  among 
the  Spanish  mountains  in  memory  of  the  great  victory 
of  St.  Ouentin,  the  wimier  of  which  had,  by  Philip's 
orders,  been  executed  at  Ihu.ssels.  His  hand,  or 
rather  his  pen,  was  in  ever\thing.  Let  us  look  for  a 
short  time  at  the  i)rincii)al  projects  which  engaged 
him,  the  completion  of  which  was  a  bar  to  the  rapid 
concjuest  of  the  Netherlands. 

The  last  king  of  the  hou.se  of  Valois  was  on  the 
French  throne.  His  only  brother  had  just  died,  and 
he  had  no  hope  of  issue.  The  heir  to  his  house 
according  to  I'rench  law,  now  undisputed  for  at  least 
two  centuries  and  a  half,  that  females  could  not 
inherit  the  throne  or  transmit  a  title  to  it,  was  Henry, 
King  of  Navarre,  and  prince  of  Beam.    Philip  treated 


i 


joy 

^  «w  ^ 


THE   PROJECTS   OF  PHILIP. 


the  Salic  law,  as  the  French  law  re^nilating  the  sue- 
cession  to  the  crown  was  called,  as  an  absurdity,  and 
claimed  it  for  his  daughter,  and  whatever  husband  he 
might  assign  to  her.     In  order  to  achieve  this  result 
he  had  distributed  bribes  lavishly  among  such  leading 
Frenchmen  as    professed    to  favour   his    pretensions! 
Among   these   was    the    Duke   of    Guise,    who   took 
enormous    sums    from    him,  and,  under    pretence   of 
furthering  Philip's  schemes,  was  doing  his  utmost,  by 
means  of  Philip's    money,    to    secure    the   crown  for 
himself    Over  and  over  again,  during  the  long  course 
of  this  eventful  war,  I^irma  and  his  arm\-  were  forced 
to  abandon  or  suspend  some  necessarv-  operation  in 
order  to  further  his  master's  and    uncle's  designs  in 
France. 

Phih'p  laid  claim  also  to  the   throne   of  England, 
and    for   a    long   time   had   designed    to   subdue    it! 
Elizabeth,  it  is  true,  was  reigning  in  it.  and  it  was  a 
cardinal  article  in  I^hilip's  political  creed,  that  subjects 
should  be  of  the  religion    of  their  ruler.       But  then 
Elizabeth    was    a    heretic,    excommunicated     by    the 
Pope,  and  dei)osed  by  the  same  infallible  authority. 
Philip  admitted  that  the  claims  of  xMary  Stewart,  who 
had  been  in  an  luiglish  prison  for  seventeen  >'ears,  were 
superior  to  his  own,  and  he    therefore    intrigued    to 
liberate  her,  as  he  hired  assassins  to  murder  her  rival 
and  gaoler.     1  ler  son,  who  had  been  King  of  Scotland 
from  infancy,  was  a  heretic,  and  therefore  out  of  the 
question.      He  would,  therefore,  be  the  guardian  of 
Mary  Stewart's  interests,  and  having  liberated  her,  set 
her  on  the  throne.    After  Mary's  execution  he  averred 
himself  even  more  to  be  the  heir  to  the  English  throne. 


1 


') 


CLAIMS   ENGLAND,   FRANCE,   GERMANY,        123 

He  had  some  little  plea  for  it,  for  he  was  descended 
from  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  titular 
King  of  Spain.  It  was  by  the  fact  that  he  represented 
both  the  daughters  of  John  of  Gaunt,  that  he  had 
become  King  of  Portugal.  After  Mary's  death 
Philips  efforts  for  the  subjugation  of  England  were 
redoubled. 

He  had  been  exceedingly  anxious  to  procure  his 
own  election  as  Emperor  of  Germany.  This  elective 
dignity  had  become,  and  remained  to  the  wars  of 
Napoleon,  hereditary  in  the  house  of  Hapsburg,  and 
Philip  was  unquestionally  the  representative  of  that 
house.  But  after  the  resignation  of  Charles  the  Plfth, 
the  empire  of  Germany  went  to  that  magnificent 
monarch's  younger  brother,  much  to  Philip's  disgust 
and  wrath.  He  had,  however,  never  lost  sight  of 
what  he  thought  his  right,  and  put  forward  his  pre- 
tensions whenever  he  could.  But  beside  these 
schemes  of  temporal  aggrandisement,  he  had  to 
manage  the  Papacy,  to  secure  the  election  of  such 
popes  as  were  favourable  to  his  views.  So  he  had  to 
fill  the  Sacred  College  as  far  as  possible  with  his  own 
creatures,  and  secure  a  good  understanding  with  them 
all.  P\)r  this  end  money  was  wanted.  An  empty 
purse  was  no  argument  at  Rome,  and  it  was  necessary 
for  him  to  be  lavish.  So  what  vrith  bribing  statesmen, 
hiring  assassins,  conciliating  cardinals,  and  keeping 
armies  and  navies  on  foot  and  on  sea,  this  king  of 
universal  ambition  was  sorely  put  to  for  money. 
While  the  Dutch  were  inventing  new  taxes  by  the 
score  and  getting  opulent  in  spite  of  their  sacrifices 
Philip  did  not  know  where  to  turn,  even  for  the  means 


i 


RESOURCES    OF   PHILIP, 


125 


•J     \      idi 


mmfi-r 


^/v.4( 


I 


IV-  V 


Mi 


] 


'l.i/V 


'ii 


»    *    I    -  " 

w  r  •■■■ 


.  I 


•/3 


to  carry  on  his  i^ovcrnmcnt.  At  last  he  took  the 
desperate  step  of  rc[)ucliatin[^  his  debts,  and  so  of 
crcttinsj  into  worse  straits  than  ever. 

We  know  a  h'ttle  of  his  financial  position,  and  how 
hopeless  was  the  prospect  of  improving  it.  Spain, 
though  populous  and  fertile,  was  less  fruitful  for 
revenue  purposes  than  any  luu'opean  country.  In 
Spain,  labour  was  dishonourable,  manufactures  and 
trade  were  looked  down  on  with  contempt,  and  in- 
dolence was  thought  a  mark  of  gentility.  Spanish 
bigotry  and  Spanish  pride  had  expelled  the  most 
industrious  and  wealth-producing  part  of  the  nation. 
It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  Italian  possessions  of 
Ihilip  paid  the  cost  of  their  civil  and  military  estab- 
lishments. The  Netherlands,  which  supplied  three- 
fifths,  at  one  time,  of  the  revenues  which  his  ancestors 
enjo)-cd  and  squandered,  were  now  beggared  or 
hostile.  The  Memish  artisans  had  been  murdered 
or  exiled,  had  cjuitted  Flanders  in  thousands  for 
England  and  Holland.  These  wealth-winning  people 
were  gone  and  their  places  were  ill  su|)plied,  at  least 
from  a  revenue-raising  point  of  view,  by  Jesuits, 
monks,  inquisitors,  and  bishops. 

It  is  difficult  to  discover  what  he  got  from  his 
possessions  in  the  New  and  Old  World.  He  had 
inherited  at  least  all  the  dominions  which  Alexander 
the  Sixth,  Spaniard,  Pope,  and  profligate,  had  be- 
stowed on  his  ancestors.  In  his  eyes  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  were  Spanish  lakes,  as  much  his  property,  his 
exclusive  property,  as  the  fishponds  in  the  Kscurial 
were.  Indians  of  the  Old  World,  Indians  of  the 
New  World,  from  the  Northern  land  of  frost  to  the 


R!  SI '[  !<(■/  s  oi-  rniLir. 


I-*S 


F, 


i  ..■: 


I 


y  ,f 


i  •/ 


■^*5S. 


to  earn'  on  hi-  j^uvcniincnt.  At  last  lie  took  the 
dcs[)cratc  >tep  ^^^  rcpikUatinij^  liis  debts,  and  so  of 
crcttinLT  into  worse  straits  than  ever. 

\\v  know  a  h'ttli-  n\  his  financial  position,  and  liow 
hopele.s^  was  tlu  pM>.s[)eet  of  iniprovinij^  it.  Spain, 
thoui^h  popnlons  and  fertile,  was  less  friiitfnl  for 
revenue  jnnposes  than  any  lunopcan  countr)'.  in 
Spain,  labour  was  dishonourable,  manufactures  and 
trade  were  looked  down  on  with  contempt,  and  in- 
dolence was  t]ioui;ht  a  mark  of  i^a^ntilit)'.  Si)anish 
bii;"otry  and  Spanish  pride  had  expelled  the  most 
industrious  and  w calth-proilucini^  part  of  the  nation. 
It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  Italian  possessions  of 
I  hili[)  paid  the  cost  of  their  civil  and  militar\-  estab- 
lishments. The  Xetherlands,  whicli  sup|)lied  three- 
fifths,  at  one  tinu.^t  the  revenue.^  which  his  ancestors 
enjoxed  and  s(juandered,  were  now  beL;L;ared  or 
hostile.  The  Memish  artisans  had  been  murdered 
or  exiled,  had  ([uitted  Manders  in  thousands  for 
i'.ii-land  and  Holland,  'ihese  weallhw  iFinini^  people 
were  j^one  and  tluii-  places  were  ill  supplied,  at  least 
from  a  revenue-i.ii-iMLi  point  of  view,  by  Jesuits, 
moniss,  incjuisitoi^.  ,ind  bishops. 

It  i.s  difficult  Lo  di^coxer  what  lie  l;*!  from  his 
l^ossessions  in  the  New  and  Old  World.  lie  had 
inherited  at  least  all  the  dominions  xvhich  Alexander 
th(  ^'Xth,  Spaniard,  l'oi)e,  and  proHii^ate,  had  be- 
stowed on  his  ancestors.  In  his  eves  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  xverc  Spanish  lakes,  as  much  his  proi)erty,  his 
exclusive  propertx-.  as  the  fishponds  in  the  l-^scurial 
xvcre.  Indian>  of  the  Old  World,  Indians  of  the 
Nexv  World,  from   the   Northern   land  of  frost  to  the 


126 


THE   PROJECTS   OF  PHILIP. 


BRIBES   IS   ALL    QUARTERS. 


127 


Southern  land  of  fire,  were  as  much  his  subjects  as  the 
Spaniards  and  the    Flemings  were.       In   accordance 
with  the  gift  of  Alexander,  the  whole  world  outside 
Europe   was   under   the  indefeasible   sovereignty   of 
Spain.     Now  in  Philip's  reign  the  mine  of  Potosi  was 
discovered,  and  the  king  had  a  royalty  on  all   mines 
in  his  dominions.     But  it  may  be  safely  alleged  that 
much  metal  was  raised  on  which  the  royal  dues  were 
not  paid.       Still  it  is    clear    that    vast    quantities   of 
metallic  wealth    were    annually    poured    into    Spain. 
The  misfortune  to  Philip's  government  was  that  so 
little  of  these   great    riches    abode    with    him.       His 
expenditure   was    a    vast    sieve,    through    which    his 
revenue  instantly  drained  away.     Besides,  the  popula- 
tion  of  Philip's    American    dominions    was    speedily 
extirpated    by   the    compulsory    labour    which    the 
Spanish  conquest  put  on  them.     There  is  not  a  single 
descendant  left  of  the  races  which  Columbus  found 
in  the  Caribbees.     The  native  populations  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  were  attenuated  to  a  shadow  of  what  they 
were  when  Cortes  and   Pizarro  made  their  conquests. 
To  fill  up  the  void  which  this  vigorous  and  exhausting 
process  had  made,  and    to   save  the    residue   of  the 
population,  the  benevolent  bishop,    Las    Casas,    had 
suggested   the  importation    of  negro  slaves,  and  his 
advice  had  been  followed. 

We  shall  never  know  all,  or  much  more  than  a  little, 
of  what  Philip  disbursed  annually  in  bribes.  Work  of 
this  kind  is  always  done  secretly,  and  neither  the  giver 
nor  the  receiver  cares  to  keep,  or  at  least  to  expose,  a 
record  of  the  transaction.  But  it  is  pretty  certain  that 
wherever  in    any  European   country   Philip    had    an 


interest,  or  thought  he  had  an   interest,  he  paid  and 

fertilized    his  agents,   though  he    was  impoverishing 

himself.     The  age  was  not   nice  in  receiving  money. 

Kings  and  nobles,  ministers  of  state  and  judges,  were 

not    at  all  above  taking    money    or  money's  worth 

for  their  services.      Men  who  wanted  favours  done,  or 

losses  averted,  went  with  cash  in  their  hands  to  those 

who  were  sworn  to  execute  justice  between  parties. 

Of  course  the  greater  part  of  Philip's  bribes  were 

wasted.       He  did  not  get  value  received  for  what  he 

spent.     In   the  nature  of  things,  it  was  not  possible 

always  to  carry  out  a  timely  treason.     There  must  be 

opportunities,  there  must  be  agents.     The  opportunity 

may  not  come,  and  a  rash  attempt,  foredoomed  to 

failure,  would  be  worse  than  any  delay,  however  long 

and  costly.    The  agents  too  must  be  carefully  selected. 

They  might  turn  on  those  who  employed  them,  and 

make  terms  with  those  whom  they  professed  to  betray, 

or  pretended  to  destroy.       One  of  the  men   whom 

Parma  hired   to  murder  Orange  went  straight  to  the 

Prince,  gave  full  details  of  the  plot,  and  remained  for 

his  whole  life  a  faithful  and  useful  servant  of  the  States. 

We  do  not  read  that  he  sent  back  the  money  to  Parma 

with  which  he  was  supplied.      We  know  that  Guise, 

who  took  Philip's  money,  intended  to  baffle  Philip's 

plans  in  his  own   interest  ;  and   after   the   murder  of 

Guise,  when  his  brother  and  son   also   took  Philip's 

money,  for  the  same  professed  aims,  they  in  the  end, 

and  for  a   price,  threw  over  Philip  and   acknowledged 

Henry  of  Navarre. 

It  is  inevitable  that  the  tools  and  hirelings  of  bad 
men  will  be  bad  themselves.     The  doctrines  of  Machia- 


128 


THE   PROJECTS   OF    nil  1. 1  p. 


velli  were  not  even   wise,  shrewd   as  they  seem  to  he 
For  one  hit  which  pohc)-  succeeds  in— for  dissimulation 
and  lying  used  to  be  called  policy  in  public  affairs-it 
makes  twenty  misses.      Perfidy  ma\-  n<  ,t  only  make  its 
victims  cautious,  it  may  make  them  equally  perfidious. 
At  any  rate,  the  man  who  secures  ajrcnts  by  hire  for 
evil  ends,  need  not   be  surprised   \{  liis  a-ents  betray 
him,  and  he   loses   both  money  and  reput^itiun.       No 
political  system,  which  has   been  founded   on  lyin<r  is 
discovered  to  be  stable  in  the  end.       The  anibitFous 
schemes  of  Philip,  and  the  arts  he  employed  to  effect 
them,  were  the  ruin  of  Spain.       V\n'  a  ion-  time  she 
was  the  terror  of  the  nations.       J^ven  when  Holland 
pricked  the  bubble  she  still  seemed  formidable. 


GKONINGEN. 


I 


XV. 


TIF.NRY   THE    rillkD    AND   ELIZABETH. 

Tni:  Queen  of  Eni^land  was  perfectly  alive  to  the 
necessityof  curtailing- (M- even  of  extinL^uishini;-  Philip's 
pow  er  in  the  XcthcM-lands.  She  knew  what  were  the 
designs  of  the  "pruileiit"  king  against  her,  open  and 
secret.  She  was  so  well  served  in  the  matter  of  spies, 
that  she  knew  almost  as  well  as  Orange  did  what 
passed  in  the  kind's  cabinet,  and  at  his  writing-desk. 
VValsingham,  her  best  and  most  lar-sighted  adviser, 
was  as  keen  as  a  bloodhound  in  scenting  out  a  plot. 
She  knew  that  if  Philip  vancjuished  the  Netherlands 
a  descent  upon  I^ngland  would  certainly  be  attempted 
and  be  i)robabl\'  effected.  It  is  probable  that  she  did 
not  fully  understand  how  Philip's  hands  were  occu- 
pied in  PVance,  but  she  knew  well  enough  how  little 
trust  she  could  jnit  in  the  French  king.  She  did 
know  that  Philip  was  preparing  a  vast  armament,  and 
she  had  no  doubt  about  its  destination.  The  exploits 
of  Drake  had,  indeed,  delayed  the  issue  of  the  Armada, 
but  Philip  was  undeterred  by  any  loss  from  projects 
on  which  he  had  set  his  heart.     The  Armada,  how- 


pi 


130 


HENRY   THE    THIRD   AND   ELIZABETH. 


NEGOTIATIOMy    WITH  HENRY, 


131 


ever,  did  not  sail  till  four  years  after  the  murder  of 
Orange. 

Charles  the  Ninth,  fourth  kini^  of  the  house  of  Valois, 
died  in  1574,  exhausted  by  remorse,  as  we  are  told,  for 
the  horrible  but  fruitless  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
which  had  been  perpetrated  two  years  before.  Two 
brothers  survived  him — Henry,  then  King  of  Poland, 
who  became  at  once  King  of  France,  and  speedily 
quitted  his  old  for  his  new  kingdom  ;  and  Francis 
Hercules,  Duke  of  Anjou,  whom  we  have  seen  before 
in  the  capacity  of  Duke  of  Brabant,  and  capital  conspi- 
rator against  the  liberties  of  Flanders,  and  of  Antwerp 
in  particular.  Henry  was  now  the  last  of  the  house 
of  Valois,  his  heir  being  Henry  of  Navarre,  at  that  time 
a  Huijuenot. 

Henry  was  as  false  as  Philip.  But  he  had  vices 
more  odious  and  scandalous  in  the  c)cs  of  the 
people  than  any  other  PVench  king  ever  had.  His 
reign  was  one  perpetual  civil  war.  At  one  time 
he  was  fighting  with  his  kinsmen  of  Navarre,  at 
another  time  with  his  insurj^ent  nobles.  ThouL^h  he 
showed  no  love  for  his  Calvinist  subjects  he  was 
obliged  to  respect  them  and  even  to  conciliate  them,  for 
they  might  help  him  against  the  faction  of  the  Guises. 
Now  the  people  of  Paris  and  some  other  large  towns 
in  the  North,  who  were  more  fanatically  attached 
to  the  old  religion  than  even  the  Pope  himself,  were 
determined  to  curtail  the  king's  power  and  play  into 
the  hands  of  the  Spanish  king,  or  at  least  appear 
to  do  so.  With  the  view  of  protecting  their  religion, 
the  nobles  founded  'and  maintained  an  association 
which  went  by  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  League, 


and  finally  Madam  League.  The  real  object  of  this 
association  was  to  make  the  nobles  independent  of  the 
king,  and  in  case  he  died  childless,  to  exclude  the 
heretical  Henry  from  the  throne.  Philip,  as  we  have 
seen,  intended  the  throne  for  his  daughter.  Guise, 
who  took  Philip's  money,  purposed  if  possible  to 
occupy  it  himself.  But  it  was  Philip's  interest  that 
France  should  be  if  p(xssible  exhausted  and  impoxe- 
rished,  and  therefore  the  League  was  under  his  especial 
patronage. 

Civil  war  was  chronic  during  Henry's  reign.  There 
was  hardly  a  year  of  peace  during  his  fourteen  \cars 
and  more  of  reigning.  We  have  .seen  that  to  the  last, 
however.  Orange  strovx  to  get  a  PVench  king  or  a 
French  prince  to  undertake  the  .sovereignty  of  the 
Netherlands,  of  course  under  guarantees  for  the  liberty 
and  the  institutions  of  the  people.  After  the  death  of 
Orange,  Olden  Barneveldt,  the  great  Advocate  of  Hol- 
land, carried  out  his  policy,  and  negotiated  with  Henry^ 
till  the  P^rench  king,  after  protracted  and  delusive 
playing  with  them,  finally  declined  the  offer  made  him. 

The  States  intended,  had  the  King  of  France 
accepted  their  offers,  to  give  him  a  very  limited  sove- 
reignty in  their  country.  Whether  if  he  had  accepted 
it,  or,  indeed,  could  have  accepted  it,  he  would  have 
treated  his  pledges  with  more  good  faith  than  his 
brother  did,  may  well  be  doubted.  But  even  as  a 
very  limited  ruler  in  the  Netherlands,  the  position 
would  have  been  highly  advantageous  to  him  as  King 
of  France.  It  was  from  the  side  of  the  Netherlands 
that  nearly  all  the  historic  invasions  of  France  had 
been  made.       When  the  English  tried  to  make  good 


4m 


wMn 


iMi'oKrA.\Li.  or  THE  xeiherlaxds.       133 


14 


at 


i 


their  footini^  in  I'lancc,  tlic  goodwill  of  the  Netherlands 
WHS  indispensable  to  them.  luhvard  the  Third  of 
ICni^dand  found  Arteveldt  the  brewer  of  Ghent,  a  ne- 
cessary ally  in  the  fourteenth  century  ;  and  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Uukc  of  Burgundy  in  the  fifteenth  aided  the 
victories  of  the  house  of  Lancaster,  as  his  enmity 
arrested  them,  and  finally  expelled  the  English  from 

I'rancc. 

It  was  from  the  Netherlands  that  Philip  was  able  to 
win  the  victory  of  St.  Ouentin,  and  dictate  the  Peace 
of  Cateau  Cambresis.     We  shall  find  that  Parma  with 
iiis  army  in   I^Manders,  raised  the  siege  of  Paris,  and 
raised   tlic  siege  of  Rouen.       A  century  afterwards, 
when   I'rance  was  consolidated,  and  had  become  the 
first  military  p(Mver  in  Europe,  under  Louis  XIV.,  all 
the  efforts  of  the  great  king  were  directed  towards  the 
acquisition  of  the  Flemish  towns.      It  was  here  that 
most  of  Marlborough's  battles  were  fought  and  won, 
the  Dutch  of  that  day  believing  with  reason,  that  the 
conciuest  of   IHandcrs  by  the   iMcnch   would   be  the 
ruin  of  Holland.       Had   Henry  and  his  mother  been 
able    to    comprehend    the    supreme    significance    of 
Flanders  to  the  French  monarchy,  and  comprehending 
it,  had  they  imagined  that  they  would  be  able  to  hold 
them,  it  seems  plain  that  they  should  have  grasped  at 
the    opportunity.        Henry  the   Fourth    would  have 
formed  a  different  judgment  on  the  situation,  had  he 
been  on  the  throne,  and  had  his  hands  been  free  to 
extend  the  bounds  of  his  kingdom. 

Henry  HI.  declined  their  advances,  and  much  pre- 
cious time  was  lost  in  vainly  negotiating  with  him  ;  for, 
durinir  this  embassy,  Antwerp  was  invested  and  after 


iMruKiAXCE  OF  Till:  .\7:////:/v/..i.\7)S.        133 


I 


106 


f 


tlK'ir  n^olin-  in  iM-.incc,  llic  ^^oocUvill  of  the  Xclhcrlatuls 
w.is  iiulisiK'n>.i!)U'  to  llu-ni.  lulwartl  tlu  1  hircl  of 
I'ji'^hiiul  Iniiiul  AiUvcKll  llu>  hrcwLT  of  ( ilu-nt,  a  ne- 
cessary ally  in  tlu-  tourlccnth  century  ;  anil  ihcfricml- 
shii)<)r  the  Duke  of  iUn-L^unuly  in  the  fifteenth  allied  the 
victi'ii.  ^  of  the  house  of  Lancaster,  as  his  enmity 
arrestetl  them,  ami  lin. illy  expelled  the  lv..^^M^h  Irom 
I'rancc. 

It  was  from  the  Xi^thiM'lands  that  Philip  was  able  to 
win  the  victory  of  Si.  (Juenlin,  auil  ilictate  the    Teace 
of  Cateau  Camhresis.     \Ve  shall  fmd  that  r.nina  with 
his  army  in    h'landers,  raised  the  sie!j:e  of  Taris,  and 
raisrd    the   sie-e   of   Rouen.       A   century    afterwards, 
when    I'rancc-  was  c  <  .u-olidated,  and   had   becouu-   llu- 
fu-st  military  power  in  l^urope,  umler  Louis  \I\  .,  all 
the  eff.nts  of  the  -ival  kin-  were  directed  towards  the 
aaiuiMLion  of  tlu-  llemish  towns.       It  was  here   that 
most  of  ^Lu•ll)orou-h"s  battles  were  fou-ht   and   won, 
tl      1  'utch  of  that  day  believin-   with  reason,  that  the 
:on  luest   of    Inlanders   by  the    iMcnch    would    be  the 
ruin  of  Holland.       Had    Henry  and  his  mother  been 
abl.     '        comprehenil    the     supreme     ^i-mficance    ()t 
Flanders  to  the  I'rench  monarchy,  and  comprehendini,^ 
it,  had  they  ima-ined  that  they  would  be  able  to  hold 
them,  it  sv^ems  plain  that  they  should  have  onisped  at 
the    opportunity.        Henry   the   Fourth    would   have 
formed  a  different  judi^mcnt  on  the  situation,  had   he 
been  on  the  thioiu-.  and  had  his  hands  been  free  to 
extend  the  Ixuuuls  of  his  kini^dom. 

Henry  HL  declined  their  advances,  and  much  pre- 
cious time  was  lost  in  vainly  nc-otiatin-  with  him  ;  for, 
during  this  emb  i^^\ ,  Antwerp  was  invested  and  after 


c 


mf^ 


134         HENRY   THE    THIRD  AND   ELIZABETH. 

a  protracted  siege  reduced.  Ghent  was  gone,  Brussels 
was  gone,  Mechlin  was  soon  to  follow,  and  freedom 
was  confined  to  Holland  and  Zeland.  The  assassina- 
tion of  Orange  was  more  valuable  to  Parma  than  an 
army  of  forty  thousand  veterans  ;  for  the  master  mind 
uhom  the  cities  trusted,  and  who  could,  though  not 
without  mccssant  labour,  hold  them  together,  was 
gone. 

The    Hollanders  now  turned    to  Elizabeth.     It   is 
necessary   to    know    a    little  of  the  position    of   the 
great  Queen,  whose  aid,  grudgingly  and  capriciously 
given,  was  after  all  of  inestimable  value  in  the  early 
(lays   of    the    forlorn    republic.     ICli/ab.th    had    suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  of   a  country  which   had   been 
impoverished  by  the  wanton  extravagance  and  cruel 
frauds  of  her  father,  and  by  misgovernment    m    the 
re.gns    of    her   brother   and    sister.       England    had 
been    wealthy   and    powerful    a    generation    or    two 
before ;    it   was   now  poor   and  weak.     If  Elizabeth 
was  penurious,  she  had  need  to  be.     The  estates  of 
the   crown    had    been    wasted,  and   the    people    had 
been  impoverished.     Her  own  birth  was  ambiguous. 
Her  cousin,  Mary  Stewart,  had  quartered  the  arms  of 
England  when  she  was  Queen  of  France,  and  never 
could  be  brought  to  disavow  the  act,  even  when  she 
was  Elizabeth's  prisoner.     She  was  excommunicated 
by  the  I  ope,  dethroned  in  words,  and  assassins  were 
incited  to  attack  her.     She  was  the  perpetual  object 
of    conspiracies,    all    of    which    were   detected    and 
baffled.     She  had  her  troubles  at  home,  for  Elizabeth 
was  imperious  and  intolerant,  and  some  of  the  exiles 
of  Mary  s   reign   had  come  to    England   with    views 


ELIZABETH  AND  LEICESTER, 


^35 


about  church  government  which  did  not  suit  her  taste. 
She  was  extremely  poor,  her  revenue  was  inelastic, 
and  she  was  abundantly  cautious. 

Elizabeth  had  very  sagacious  counsellors.  Hurghley, 
the  most  wary  of  them,  was  as  hesitating  as  his  mis- 
stress  was.  Walsingham  was  far  more  clearsighted 
and  bold,  and  had  the  temper  of  Elizabeth  squared 
with  his,  the  queen  would  have  gone  far  more  heartily 
into  the  matter.  Now  the  Hollanders  wanted  two 
things,  money  and  troops,  especially  land  forces,  for 
the  Heggars  of  the  Sea  were  fairly  competent  to 
defend  their  own  shores,  and  take  account  of  Spanish 
forces  on  the  water.  IClizabeth  could  supply  the 
Hollanders  with  some  troops,  and  she  sent  them  some 
excellent  generals  of  division,  though,  one  must  say 
with  shame,  some  of  these,  as  Yorke  and  Stanley, 
were  traitors.  She  would  not  take  the  sovereignty 
of  their  country  on  any  terms,  and  always  advocated 
a  double  protectorate.  She  was  very  hard  about 
advancing  them  money,  slow  to  grant  it  at  all,  and 
always  insisting  on  security  for  it.  It  is  fair  to  add 
that  she  never  got  back  the  whole  of  the  money  she 
lent  them,  and  that  her  successor  released  the 
guarantees,  the  so-called  cautionary  towns,  for  a  good 
deal  less  than  the  admitted  debt. 

She  also  gave  them  a  commander,  or  lieutenant- 
general  governor,  in  the  person  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
her  favourite.  Leicester  was  a  handsome  man,  and 
of  commanding  presence.  Early  in  Elizabeth's  reign 
and  later  on,  it  was  believed  that  she  intended  to 
marry  him,  not  in  England  only,  but  elsewhere.  He 
was  the  son  of   Dudley,  Duke  of  Northumberland, 


li 


II 


136  Hl-XRY    THE    THIRD   A,\D   ELIZABETH. 

executed  for  high  treason  at  tlic  bc-innin-  of  Mary's 
reign,  and  grandson  of  Diullcy,  on.  ,,r' Henry  the 
Seventh's  instruments  of  extortion,  wh,.  uas  executed 
at  the  beginning  ,,f  Henry  tlic  Ijgiuh's  rei-m  He 
was  also  brother  of  GuiKiford  Dudley,  the  husband 
of  Jane  Grc>-,  who  had  been  styled  queen  for  twelve 
days. 

Leicester  was  an  unfortunate  choice  for  Holland 
Me  had   no   military  experience,  and  uas  to  be  op- 
posed to  the  greatest  general  of  the  a^^c.      His  head 
never  very  strong  against   lemptatiuns  to  pride  an.l 
arrogance,  was  fairly  turned   by  the  deference   which 
was  shown  hi,n  in  Hollan.l,  and  the  importance  which 
was   attached    to   his    mission.     Ho   chafed    with.mt 
judgment  at  the  restraints  wnich  the  jealousy  of  the 
Republic  put  on   his  authority.       h  was  difficult   for 
an   I'.nghsh  nobleman  and  courtier  in  those  days  to 
"nagine  that  burghers  and  arti.ans  ,,n.l  fumcrs  had 
a  right  to  any  political  opinion,  whatever,  much  less 
to  take  part  in  affairs  of  State.      F  Ic  was  in  I  [,  .Hand 
with    intervals,  for   three   years,   and    was    hated    as 
heartily   by  the   Dutch  on    his   departure  as   he  was 
welcomed  at  his   first  appearance.     The  Oueen  was 
angry  with  him,  angry  with  the  Dutch.  aTid  should 
have  been  angry  with   herself  for   having   made   so 
bad  a  choice. 

It  should  not  be  thought,  however,  that  Klizabeth 
was  not  of  great  serv  ice  to  Holland  in  the  crisis  of 
the  republic,  despite  the  errors  of  her  favourite  and 
the  treachery  of  some  of  her  subjects.  Tlieir  mis- 
conduct, mischievous  as  it  was,  was  atoned  for  by  the 
valour   and  conduct  of  such  men  as  the  X'eres  and 


HOLLAND    WINS   ITS   OWN   FREEDOM. 


4 


t-: 


^57 


Roger  Williams.  But  it  was  the  destiny  and  the 
<^lory  of  Holland  that  she  attained  her  independence 
and  her  power  mainly,  if  not  entirely,  by  her  own 
spirit  and  determination.  Holland  had  in  the  end 
to  relv  on  herself,  to  form  her  own  armies,  her  own 
navies,  her  own  commanders  by  sea  and  land,  and 
her  own  tratle  ;  and  not  only  to  give  the  world  a 
spectacle  of  unflinching  heroism,  but  to  teach  it  a 
thousand  lessons  for  peace  or  war.  Perhaps  it  was 
well  for  Holland  that  Leicester  did  not  possess  the 
genius  of  Tarma. 


I 


THE   IMPORTANCE    OF  AiXTlVERP. 


139 


xvr. 

ANTWKRP  AND   THE   ARMAFJA. 

TrrE  Hollanders  were  ncgotiatin-  for  the  transfer  of 
themselves  under  the  forms  of  a  limited  sovereiVnty 
so  hmited  that  the   new   Count   of    Holland  would 
have  httle  more  than  a  titular  supremacy,  with  Henry 
HI.   of    France  and    Elizabeth   at   the   same   time. 
Henry  at  last  threw  them  over.     He  had  little  chance 
of  a.dm-  them,  less  of  engaging  them  in  a  new  fight 
for   their   independence,    for   he   had    much   ado   to 
mamtam  his  own.     Guise  and  the  League,  Paris  and 
Spam,  were  perpetually  in  arms  against  him,  to  .say 
nothing  of  his  cousin  and  successor,  I  Icnry  of  Navarre. 
By  dmt  of  bribes,  Philip  was  a.ssured  that  he  could 
paralyze  the  action    of  France,  were  the  king   ever 
^so     willing    to    appropriate    the     Netherlands,    and 
perhaps  secure  the  throne  of  France  for  his  daughter 
when  the  last  Valois  king  was  out  of  the  way      Put 
there    was   also    England   to   conquer,  which    Philip 
thought  was  an  ea.sy  task  for  Parma  to  accomplish 

Now  Parma   knew  that  it  was  neccs.sary  for  him 
to   secure  the  best  port    in   the  Netherlands,  if  this 


i 


purpose  was  to  be  carried  out.  The  Spaniard,  vic- 
torious and  confident  by  land,  was  a  very  poor  creature 
on  the  water,  and  in  no  sense  a  match  for  the  water 
Beggars.  Still,  with  a  big  fleet  in  a  safe  harbour 
protecting  a  convoy  of  veterans  to  the  Thames,  much 
might  be  done.  It  does  not  seem  that  Parma  took 
much  thought  of  the  English  sailors,  though  Drake  and 
Hawkins  had  already  given  a  ta.ste  of  their  quality. 

Now  there  was  no  harbour  in  the  Netherlands 
like  Antwerp.  Safe,  capacious,  deep,  the  Scheldt 
could  hold  all  the  navies  of  Europe.  But  Antwerp 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  patriots,  and  Orange  was  no 
more.  Antwerp  mu.st  be  captured.  ''  l(  we  get 
Antwerp,"  he  u.sed  to  say,  "  you  shall  all  go  to  mass 
with  us  ;  if  you  save  it,  wc  shall  all  go  to  conventicle 
with  you." 

Within  nine  months  Parma  secured  all  the  cities 
of  Brabant  but  Antwerp.  Ghent  and  Dendermonde 
went  first.  Then  Brussels,  next  them  Mechlin,  and 
Antwerp  was  besieged,  to  fall  also.  All  this  was 
foreseen  as  possible  by  Orange,  and  before  his  death 
the  plan  of  defence  was  indicated.  Orange  saw  that 
if  Parma  could  throw  a  bridge  over  the  Scheldt  he 
could  reduce  Antwerp.  But  there  was  a  way  of 
baffling  him.  If  Antwerp  could  be  converted  from 
a  river  to  a  sea  port,  all  the  efforts  of  Spain,  in  the 
teeth  of  the  Zeland  sailors,  would  be  vain.  To 
do  this^  it  was  necessary  to  break  down  the  great 
dyke  and  to  let  the  ocean  in  upon  the  polders.  It 
would  be  a  temporary  measure  ;  when  the  siege  was 
baffled,  the  dyke  could  be  repaired  and  the  lake 
be  again  converted  into  pastura 


140 


ANTWERP  AM)    THE   ARMADA, 


THE    IJRIDdE    AM)    THE    SIEGE. 


141 


•  i 


And     now   the    siege   was    iuiniliunt,   and    Saint 
Aldegondc.-tlic  military -ovcrn.,r  ,>f  tlic  [.lacc,  was 
about  to  earn-  out  tlie  plans  of  tiic  dead  Stadthol.icr 
when    he    encountered    serious    obstacles.       Antvvcri) 
was    divided     into    factions,    and     the    military    au- 
thorities,   wliich    at    that    time    should    liave'  been 
supreme,  were   resisted    by  the   personal   interests   of 
tradui£j  associations.     It  was  madness,  tlu-\-  alk-e.l 
to  think  that  I'arma  could   build   the  bridi^e.     It  was 
mailness  to   submerge   the    meadows.     Hosiilcs    the 
most  trusted  officers  of  the  rei)ublic  were  strai'v'eK- 
insubordinate  and   dilatory  on  a    sudden.     Trcslon" 
was    negligent,  his  successor  was  well-mcanin.r   bu't 
mcompetent,  and  the  commander  of  the  land  forces 
was  capricious.     The  master  mind  was  gone. 

During  the  winter  of  ,584.  Parma  was  collecting 
all   the   materials  necessary   for  effecting  that  which 
the  Antwerpers  believed  to  be  impossible.       Durin- 
this  time  .Antwerp  was  being  furnishc.i  with  supplies" 
for  the  price  of  food  was  high   in  the  ciU  .  and  plentv 
of   skippers   are  venturous  enough   to  brave   I'arma's 
forts.      I  hen  the  Antwerj)  magistrates,  as  if  with  the 
view  of  assisting  the    blockade,    fl.xed   a   ma.vimum 
price    of    corn,    and     effectually    starvcl    themselves. 
Ihe  sluices  were  opened   it   is  true  on  the  Flemish 
side,  and  this  measure  ultimately  a.ssistcd  the  designs 
of  Parma,   by  making   it   ea.sy  for   him  to   brin -"ui. 
supplies.     When  it  was  too  late,  those  who  opposed 
the  piercing  of  the   Hlauw  Garen  dvke  was  anxious 
to   undertake   it.     Hut    it   xvas   already  occupied    by 
soldiers,  by  ammunition,  ami  by  forts. 

The  breadth   of  the   Scheldt  at  the  point  where 


Parma  was  building  his  impossible  bridge  was  2,400 
feet,  and  its  depth  60  feet.  The  piles  on  which  the 
bridge  was  i)uilt  were  driven  50  feet  into  the  ground 
below  the  river,  and  \  et  nothing  but  light  .skirmishes 
were  attempted  by  the  .Antwerp  garrison  and  militia, 
in  one  of  which  the  bravest  and  most  eneitretic  of 
I  he  comin.uulcis  was  captured.  On  rVbruary  25  the 
britigc  was  coinpleted,  the  deeper  parts  of  the  river 
being  covered  b\'  a  floating  bridge,  and  the  Scheldt 
was  closed.  And  the  marvel  was  that  while  Parma 
was  performing  his  great  feat,  his  army  was  almost 
without  supplies,  and  he  was  totally  neglected  by 
Philip. 

Now  there  was  living  at  Antwerp  an  Italian,  one 
Gianibelli,  a  man  of  great  skill  in  chemistry  and 
mechanics.  lie  had  once  offered  his  services  to 
IMu'lip,  but  weary  of  the  affronts  and  delay  he  met 
with  in  Sj)ain,  he  vowed  to  do  him  a  mischief  He 
had  counselled  the  city  of  a  plan  for  effectually 
victualling  it,  but  had  been  snubbed.  He  then  en- 
treated them  to  give  him  some  ships  from  the  city 
Heet,  in  order  that  he  might  make  an  attempt  on  the 
bridge.  With  difficulty  he  induced  them  to  give 
him  two,  in  the  hulls  of  which  were  built  what 
were  virtually  tloating  mines,  containing  several 
thousand  pounds  ol'  powder.  Besides  these,  several 
fire-ships  were  sent  down  the  river.  One  of  the 
vessels  was  to  be  fired  by  a  slow  match,  the  other  by 
clock-work.  As  the  fire-ships  floated  down,  l^arma 
massed  all  his  troops  on  the  bridge.  Of  the  two 
infernal  hulls,  that  which  was  provided  with  a  slow 
match  burnt  out  harmlessly.     The  Spaniards  boarded 


142 


ANTWERP  AND    THE   ARMADA, 


the  other,  when  a  terrible  explosion  followed.  A 
thousand  Spaniards  were  instantly  slain,  a  breach 
was  made  in  the  bridge,  and  had  the  Italian's  ex- 
pedient been  followed  by  action,  Antwerp  would 
have  been  relieved,  Parma  baffled,  and  the  war  of 
independence  probably  shortened  at  once.  But 
Antwerp  was  again  ill-served  by  her  commanders, 
and  Parma  was  allowed  to  restore  his  bridge  without 
hindrance  from  the  besieged,  or  even  their  allies 
outside. 

Gianibelli's  efforts  had  indeed  failed  for  a  time. 
But  tlvec  years  afterwards,  when  a  still  more  sig- 
nificant  struggle  was  being  waged,  the  memory  of  the 
devil  ships,  as  they  were  called,  did  more  to  baffle, 
disperse,  and  destroy  the  great  Armada,  than  the' 
attacks  of  Drake  and  Effingham.  The  cry  of  "  The 
Antwerp  fire-ships  !  "  sent  a  panic  through  the  whole  of 
the  bravest  Spanish  soldiery. 

At  last  the  besieged  determined  to  make  the  effort 
of   piercing  the   dyke.      The   first   attempt   was   un- 
successful,  owing  to  one  of  these  misunderstandings 
which  always  were  playing  into  Parma's  hands.     On 
May  26th  they  were  more  successful.     They  occupied 
the  dyke  after  a  fierce  struggle,  and   instantly  began 
to    break    it.      But    even     then    the    same    fatal  in- 
capacity showed  itself.     The  leaders  of  the  expedi- 
tion  returned  to  Antwerp  to  rejoice  over  their  victory. 
Parma  also  returned,  the  Hollanders  were  driven  from 
their  work,  and  the  dyke  was  repaired.     On  August 
17th,  the  capitulation  was  effected,  and  Antwerp  was 
reckoned  among  the  obedient  cities  thenceforth.     But 
its   trade   and    manuf^ictures   were   destroyed      The 


fj 


I 


illL   LAiliLDKAL,    ANTWERP. 


~^^t 


14^ 


AXTW'ERP  AM)    THE   ARMADA, 


the  Other,  when  a  terrible  explosion  followed.  A 
thousand  Spaniards  were  instantly  slain,  a  breach 
was  made  in  the  brid-e,  and  had  the  Italian's  ex- 
pedient  been  followed  by  action.  Antwerp  would 
have  been  relieved,  Parma  baffled,  and  the  war  of 
independence  probably  shortened  at  once.  JUit 
Antwerp  was  a-ain  ill-served  by  her  connnanders. 
and  Parma  was  allowed  to  restore  his  brid-e  without 
hindrance  from  the  besie-ed,  or  even  their  allies 
outside. 

Gianibelli's  efforts  !iad  indeed  failed  for  a  time. 
lUit  tlvee  years  afterwards,  when  a  still  more  sig- 
nificant stru--le  was  being  wa-ed,  the  memory  of  the 
devil  ships,  as  they  were  called,  did  more  to  baffle, 
disperse,  and  destroy  the  -reat  Armada,  than  the' 
attacks  of  Drake  and  h:ffln<;ham.  The  cry  of  "  The 
Antwerp  fire-ships  !  "  sent  a  panic  throu-Ii  the  whole  of 
the  bravest  Spanish  soldiery. 

At  last  the  bc.ie-ed  determined  to  make  the  effort 
of   piercin-   the   dyke.      The   first   attempt   was   un- 
successful, owing   to   one  of  these  misunderstandings 
which  always  were  l)Ia>ing  into  Parma's  hands,     (hi 
May  2r)th  they  were  more  successful.     They  occui)ied 
the  dyke   after  a  fierce   struggle,  and    instantly  began 
to    break    it.      lUit    even     then    the    same    fataf  in- 
capacity showed   itself     The  leaders   of  the   expedi- 
tion  returned  to  Antwerj)  to  rejoice  over  their  victory. 
Parma  also  returned,  the  Hollanders  were  driven  from 
their  work,  and  the  dyke  was  repaired.     On   August 
i/th,  the  capitulation  w.i.s  effected,  and  Antweri)  "^vas 
reckoned  among  the  obedient  cities  thenceforth,      l^ut 
its    trade   and    manufactures    were   destroyed.       Tlie 


iiiL   CAiilLi>KAL,    ANTWF.Kr. 


Wi 


144 


ANTWERP   AND    THE   ARMADA. 


DRAKE  S   EXPEDITIONS. 


145 


Dutch  closed  the  port  ahnost  as  firmly  as  Parma 
had,  and  the  heretics,  who  had  all  the  industry  and 
nearly  all  the  capital,  mii^rated  to  Amsterdam. 
They  were  succeeded  by  the  Citadel  and  the  Jesuits. 
It  was  believed  indeed  that  with  the  fall  of  Antwerp 
Holland  and  Zel.md  would  be  early  and  easily 
subdued.  As  it  was  their  spirit  was  stren<^thened, 
their  resistance  was  more  stubborn,  their  resources 
were  developed.  As  yet,  however,  no  one  guessed 
what  would  be  the  future  of  the  republic. 

The  pjiglish  court  understood  in  its  own  way, 
clumsy  and  selfish  to  our  eyes,  but  infinitely  honest  in 
comparison  with  the  conduct  of  other  courts,  what 
was  the  interest  of  Holland,  and  what  was  the 
interest  of  luiLdand.  France  was  smooth  and  false, 
England  was  rough  and  not  over  ready.  The 
Dutch  believed  that  France  w.i>  strong.  iMigland 
weak.  It  was  strange  that  they  should  entertain  the 
former  view,  but  not  strange  that  they  should  fancy 
the  latter.  Nor  is  it  strange,  considering  the  practice 
of  the  times,  that  Elizabeth  correspoiulrd  with  and 
tried  to  overreach  both  friends  and  enemies.  Hut  for 
the  history  of  Holland,  the  presence  of  Leicester  in 
that  country,  the  intrigues  of  the  luiglish  (jueen,  and 
the  alternations  of  hope  and  disapi)oinlimMit  to  which 
her  action  gave  occasion,  have  no  interest  for  the 
general  reader.  There  was  a  party  in  hjigland  which 
desired  peace  with  Spain.  The  marvel  is  that  any 
one  believed  that  Philip  was  even  connnonly  honest. 
It  is  more  important  to  see  how  men  who  had 
nothing  to  do  with  intrigues  had  been  indirectly 
serving  the  cause  of  public  liberty,  by  showing  the 
intrinsic  weakness  of  despotism. 


Drake  had  gone  round  the  world  in  1577,  and  had 
picked  up  a  good  deal  of  experience,  and  some  pro- 
perty which  belonged  to  the  King  of  Spain,  on  his 
voyage.  There  was  to  be  sure  no  war  declared  with 
Spain,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  peace  ;  and 
Drake,  much  to  the  inconvenience  of  Philip,  was 
making  war  on  the  ICmperor  of  the  Indies,  though  on 
his  own  account.  By  an  instinct  which  could  hardly 
have  been  accidental,  he  fastened  upon  those  regions 
in  1586  from  which  l?hilip  got  his  supplies  of  money, 
and  very  much  disconcerted  the  prudent  monarch. 
Now  as  all  the  hopes  of  Philip  depended  on  his 
treasure  ships  from  the  New  World,  any  interruption 
of  supply  was  exceedingly  serious  to  Parma,  who 
occupied  the  position  of  fifth  mortgagee  on  Philip's 
treasury.  There  was  first  the  Spanish  administration, 
next  France,  next  the  Pope,  next  the  preparations  for 
a  descent  on  England  to  be  satisfied,  before  Parma 
could  expect  or  get  a  marav^edi.  Now  a  maravedi  is 
about  one  sixteenth  of  a  penny  sterling,  or  one-eighth 
of  a  cent. 

Drake  had  been  sacking  and  burning  the 
Spanish  towns  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  "  He  was  a 
fearful  man  to  the  King  of  Spain,"  said  Burleigh, 
"The  most  contemplative  ponder  much  over  the 
*^urcess  of  Drake,"  said  Parma.  But  the  secret 
negotiations  for  peace  with  Spain  were  still  carried  on 
by  the  luiglish  court,  and  Parma  believed  they  were 
genuine.  So  there  had  been  carried  on  negotiations 
for  the  marriage  of  Elizabeth  with  Anjou.  Mean- 
while Parma  advised  an  invasion  of  England,  in 
October,  1386.     Meanwhile  Sidney  was  killed  in  the 


■    * 


146 


ANTWERP  AND    THE   ARMADA 


skirmish  at  Zutplicn,  and  Leicester  continued  to 
make  himself  distrusted,  and  finally  detested  in 
Holland.  Yorke  and  Stanley,  entrusted  with  strong 
places  in  Holland,  betrayed  them  to  Spain,  and  the 
English  began  to  suffer  in  the  estimation  of  the 
Dutch,  for  the  treason  of  their  countrymen.  Parma 
got  possession  of  SUiys,  a  convenient  port  for  the 
English  invasion. 

But   on    April    2,    1587,    Drake   sailed    from    Ply- 
mouth  with   four  of  the  queen's  ships,  and  twenty- 
four  others  from  London  and  other  places.     It  was  a 
joint-stock  buccaneering  adventure,  the  stimulants  to 
which  were   profit  and   patriotism.     Just  after  he  had 
started,  the  queen  sent  to  recall  him.     I  cannot  but 
think  that  she  intended  to  be  too  late.     Any  way,  he 
heard   that   a  great  store   of  ships  and   munitions  of 
war  were   being  accumulated   at   Lisbon  and  Cadiz. 
On    April    19th,   Drake    entered    the    bay  of    Cadiz, 
destroyed   ten    thousand    tons   of  shipping,  and  with 
them  the  stores  whicli  Philip  was  collecting.     Thence 
he  sailed  to  Li4)(,n,   and  destroyed  a   hundred  more 
vessels.     He  evaded  easily  the   great   galleys  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  did  his  mischief  before  the  face  of  the 
Spanish  admiral.     Then  he  took  a  rich  prize  with  iis 
treasure  on  board,  and  having  now  "  singed  the  King 
of    Spain's    beard,"    as    he   said,    he    sailed    back    to 
Pl>'mouth,  to  be  disavowed   by  Elizabeth.      But  he 
had  dela\'ed  the  Armada. 

The  designs  of  Philip  in  1588,  the  year  in  which 
the  Spanish  Armada  actually  sailed,  were  well  masked. 
It  was  said  and  believed  that  the  object  of  the 
armament  was  the  New  World,  in  which  a  great  and 


THE   ARMADA    SAILS. 


147 


wealthy  country  was  to  be  conquered.  But  the  real 
purpose  of  the  expedition  was  not  concealed,  either 
from  the  leading  statesmen  of  Holland  or  from  some 
of  the  public  men  in  England,  least  of  all  from  the 
freebooters,  Drake  and  his  friends.  The  Dutch  before 
the  year  was  half  over,  effectually  blocked  every  outlet 
for  Parma  and  his  troops. 

The  English  navy  was  in  number  197,  in  tonnage 
29,744  ;  the  seamen  were  15,785.  But  only  one  vessel 
was  over  1,000  tons,  and  only  ten  over  500.  The 
tonnage  of  the  Spanish  fleet  was  59,120,  the  size 
from  1,200  to  300  tons,  and  the  number  on  board  was 
about  30,000.  The  fleet  was  to  pick  up  Parma's 
army  of  17,000,  and  to  land  them  at  Dover.  The 
admiral  of  the  fleet  was  to  be  Santa  Cruz,  an 
e.xpcrienced  and  competent  commander.  But  before 
the  Armada  sailed  Santa  Cruz  was  dead.  His  place 
was  filled  by  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  who  was 
far  from  being  his  equal  in  experience  or  ability. 
The  Armada  sailed  from  Lisbon  at  the  end  of  May, 
met  with  rough  weather,  had  to  put  into  Corunna, 
and  to  wait  till  July  22nd.  On  July  29th  they  first 
got  sight  of  England,  and  luiglishmcn  got  sight  of 
them,  and  swarmed  out  cf  the  numerous  ports  of  the 
south  coast  in  order  to  deal  with  them.  Their  first 
encounter  was  on  Sunday,  July  31st.  On  Saturday 
August  6th,  the  Spaniards  reached  Calais  roads,  the 
weather,  as  yet,  being  favourable  to  them.  The 
ICnglish  fleet  followed  them,  and  anchored  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  them.  The  Dutch  fleet  was  guarding  the 
coast,  and  effectually  preventing  Parma's  exit,  or  a 
junction  between  him  and  Sidonia.     The  moon  was 


p 


mm  i'^i 


148 


ANTWERP  AND    THE   ARMADA, 


RESULTS   OF   THE   DEFEAT. 


149 


If  if 


at  the  full.     A  conference  of  captains  was  held  on 
Lord  Howard's  vessel,  the  RoyiU  Ark. 

Winter  su<^r(Tested  that  some  fire-ships  should  be 
sent  amongst  them.  Gianibelli  was  then  in  England 
constructing  fortifications  on  the  Thames,  and  the 
English  remembered  the  Antwerp  devil-ships,  the 
Spaniards  remembering  them  still  better.  So  on 
Sunday,  August  7th,  they  determined  on  makin*^  the 
attempt.  The  da>'  had  been  fine,  but  towards  even- 
ing the  clouds  rapidly  gathered,  thunder  was  heard, 
and  a  tempest  was  evidentlv  at  hand.  At  midnidit 
the  Spaniards  saw  suddenly  six  burning  vessels 
bearing  down  on  their  lines.  There  was  an  instant 
cry  of  "  The  fire-ships  of  Antwerp  !  "  and  an  instant 
panic.  Iwery  cable  was  cut,  and  many  of  the 
vessels  got  entangled.  Some  were  burnt,  and  in  the 
morning  man\'  were  disabled,  and  the  rest  driving- 
towards  the  dangerous  coast  of  Elanders. 

The  rout  and  the  ruin  of  the  Great  Armada  is  the 
best-known  fact  in  the  history  of  all  English-speaking 
nations.  It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  it  here.  It  is 
sufficient  to  say  that  Philip,  apparently  convinced 
that  his  own  resources  for  his  own  purpo.ses  were 
boundless,  heard  of  the  destruction  of  his  fleet  with 
equanimity,  and  instantly  set  to  work  to  repair  the 
loss,  and  make  a  fresh  venture,  as  soon  as  ever  the 
opportunity  for  action  might  present  itself.  So  con- 
vinced was  he,  or  so  convinced  were  his  advisers 
that  the  model  of  the  Spanish  navy  was,  under 
ordinary  conditions,  the  best  which  could  be  devised, 
that  from  this  time,  even  to  the  establishment  of  peace 
with  England  and  Holland,  the  dockyards  of  Spain 


kcj^t  reproducing  the  same  awkward  and  unmanage- 
able iype  of  vessels,  and  thereby  offered  the  Dutch 
and  l^.igiish  admirals  every  opportunity  of  inflicting 
on  Spain  the  most  crushing  defeats  on  sea,  even  when 
the  odds  seemed  despi^rate,  and  the  Spanish  fierce 
seemed  overwhxlniing. 

IMie  lesson  ivl.iv'h  t))c  Dutch  and  iMiglish  learned 
from  these  encouiitv^rs,  antl  especially  from  that  with 
the  Armada,  was  of  tire  highest  significance  in  the 
history  of  both  nations.  They  came  to  the  conclusion, 
and  this  not  without  reason,  that  they  were  invincible 
on  sea,  and  the  conviction,  as  time  passed  on,  assured 
them  of  the  certainty.  As  far  as  ICngland  was  con- 
cerned there  was  now  no  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of 
Spain,  e\'en  if  the  stories  which  are  told  of  l^lizabeth's 
blindness  to  the  facts,  have  any  real  foundation. 
But  both  Dutch  and  iMiglish  had  no  difficulty  in 
understanding  that  they  could,  while  baffling  the 
enemy's  attempt  on  their  own  countries,  destroy  his 
strength  by  assailing  him  in  the  regions  from  which 
he  drew  his  wealth,  in  those  territories  which  he  called 
his  in  the  New  and  Old  World,  by  reason  of  the  dona- 
tion of  Roderick  l^orgia  or  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth. 

Up  to  the  time  in  which  the  truce  of  1609  was 
conceded,  Holland,  as  we  shall  see,  carried  on  this 
warfare  against  the  distant  possessions  of  Spain,  and 
instructed  the  other  nations,  that  the  two  great 
oceans  were  not  a  Spanish  lake,  reserved  for  the 
King  of  Spain  only.  Even  when  the  cowardly  and 
arrogant  pedant,  James  Stewart,  succeeded  Elizabeth 
on  the  English  throne,  and  hastened  to  make  peace 
with     Spain,    the    peace    in    fact    only   extended    to 


It 

I 


150 


ANTWERP  AND    THE  ARMADA, 


Europe ;  and  the  practice  of  the  Englisli,  soon  turned 
into  a  proverb,  "  No  peace  with  Spain  below  the 
Hnc,"  constantly  weakened  the  Spanish  monarchy 
and  finally  ruined  it.  Spain  was  destroyed  as  a 
European  Power  by  the  dream  of  Philip  after 
universal  empire. 

Still  for  a  long  time  she  was  conceived  to  he 
dangerously  powerful.  The  glamour  of  a  great  force 
often  survives  for  a  long  time  the  reality.  Cromwell, 
who  saw  very  far  in  military  matters,  was  still  under 
the  delusion  that  the  power  of  Spain  was  a  danger  to 
luirope,  when  that  monarchy  had  lost  all  its  force, 
and  it  was  not  till  another  danger  had  come  to 
luirope,  from  the  ambition  of  another  monarch,  that 
Spain  ceased  to  be  a  terror  to  statesmen. 


XVIT. 

THE   LAST   YEARS   OF    PARMA. 

Alexander  Farnese,  Duke  of  Parma,  lived  for  a 
little  more  than  four  years  after  the  wreck  of  the 
Armada.  During  these  four  years  many  things 
happened,  and  the  course  of  events  out  of  Holland 
materially  assisted  the  political  development  and 
union  of  Holland  itself  Similarly  too,  the  extirpa- 
tion of  Protestantism  in  the  obedient  Netherlands, 
and  the  atrophy  of  Romanism  in  the  Dutch  Republic, 
led  to  the  limitation  of  the  political  system  of  Holland. 
The  ten  provinces  were  alienated  from  the  Dutch  as 
much  by  the  religion  which  they  professed,  as  by  the 
government  to  which  they  submitted,  and  by  the 
poverty  w^hich  they  had  to  endure.  Had  William  the 
Silent  Hved,  it  is  probable  that  the  whole  seaboard 
would  have  been  one  state,  and  every  part  of  the 
Netherlands,  except  perhaps  the  Walloon  Provinces, 
would  have  been  united  in  one  great  commercial 
and  manufacturing  republic.  When  less  than  two 
centuries  and  a  half  after  the  murder  of  William, 
the  whole  country  was  formed  into  a  single  kingdom. 


! 


152  THE  LAST    YEARS   OF  PARMA. 

the  Clements  of  union  were  utterly  absent,  and 
It  became  necessary  for  Europe  to  reco^mize  tl,e 
separate  nationalit\-  of  Heli^^ium. 

Late  in  the  yc^r  15X8  Leicester  died.  He  had 
res,j^ned  Ins  position  in  Holland,  but  his  partisans  did 
L-reat  mjury  to  the  Dutch  by  surrcndcn.,.  Gecr.ruv- 
clenberg  to  I'arma.  This  j,reat  general  had  suffered 
h.s  first  check  at  the  hands  of  Maurice,  by  bein.^ 
rc-pused  m  the  winter  of  ,5,S,S  from  Her,.n.op.Zoom': 
On     he  other   hand,   another   expedition    went   from 

n;"fT  M  %'"'"•  '""^'"'  ""'   ^^^"^""■'•^'  '-•"'•    --ted 
part  of  the  Spanish  king's  dominions 

Meanwhile  much  of  Philip's  energies  and  nearly  all 
h,s  money  were  expended  on   his  intrigues  with  the 
fam.ly  of  Gu,s^.  and  the  malcontents  in  that  country. 
IheDukeof  Gursc  had  humiliated  the  king  on  the 
famous  day  of   the  l^arricades  (May   ,.>,  ,  ,s,S  ,  and 
Henry  had  fled  from  his  capital  never  to  return.     On 
December   33rd    in    the   same   year,   the    Duke  and 
h.s   brother  were  murdered    at    151ois,  by  the   kin-^'s 
command.      On   the    tst    of  August  following,  afrer 
Henry  HI.   had   reconciled   himself    to   his   kmsn.an 
and  successor.  Henry  IV.,  who   was   besieging   Paris 
he  was  murdered  by  Jacques  Clement 

Now  Philip  claimed  the  succession  of  IV.ancc  for 
h,s  daughter,  an.l  it  «  as  necessary  for  hin,  to  vindicate 
whatever  clanns  he  po.sse.ssed  against  llenrv,..nul  to 
devote  all  h,s  energies  to  this  end.  .So  th'c  Dutch 
had  some  breathing  time.  He  even  tu.ce  detached 
1  arma  from  h,s  campaign  in  the  Netherland.s,  whence 
he  could  be  .1  spared-once  in  August,  ,590.  when 
he  compelled   Henry  to  raise  the  siege  of  Paris  ;  and 


PARMA   IN  FRANCE. 


153 


ac^ain  in  April,  1592,  when  lie  similarly  constrained 
iiim  to  raise  the  sieijc  of  Rouen.  Both  these  ex- 
ploits  showed  the  greatest  military  skill,  though  the 
last  was  practically  the  close  of  Parma's  career. 

During  this  time  a  greater  master  of  the  art  of  war 
than  eV'Cn  Parma  was  growing  up.  Maurice,  second 
son  of  William  the  Silent,  had  been  studying  his 
calling  with  unremitting  industry.  And  now  that 
l*arma  and  Philip  were  so  occupied  with  the  affairs  of 
France,  it  seemed  that  Holland  could  carry  on  her 
warfare  with  greater  hope.  But  the  first  thing  was  to 
create  and  drill  an  army.  The  next  was  to  see  that  it 
was  regularly  paid.  The  third  was  to  familiarize  it 
with  victory,  and  to  make  it  confident.  This  was  the 
work,  and  the  successful  work,  of  Maurice.  There  was 
a  great  deal  to  be  done.  Three  iMiglishmen — Yorke, 
Stanley,  and  Wingfield — had  betrayed  or  surrendered 
the  important  towns  of  Zutphen,  Deventer,  and  Gecrt- 
ruydenberg,  while  a  Netherlander  had  similarly 
betrayed  the  capital  of  P^riesland,  Groningen. 

On  February  26,  i  590,  the  Dutch  surprised  the  im- 
portant fortress  of  Breda,  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
man,  and  shortly  afterwards  Maurice  reduced  a 
number  of  other  towns  and  strongholds.  Meanwhile, 
as  the  towns  in  the  obedient  provinces  were  wasting, 
those  of  Holland  were  rapidly  growing  in  population 
and  opulence.  7  he  administration  of  affairs,  though 
it  was  already  liable  to  that  risk  of  disunion  which 
was  in  the  end  to  be  fatal  to  I  lolland,  was,  in  the  face  of 
the  common  enemy,  patriotic  and  vigorous.  Already 
the  Dutch  were  forming  that  splendid  navy  which  was 
to  create  an  Indian  empire,  to  annihilate  the  reputa- 


154 


THE  LAST   YEARS  OF  PARMA. 


tion  of  Spain,  and  even  to  measure  itself  aerainst  the 
growing  power  of  England.  The  government  of  the 
country  was  in  the  hands  of  the  States-General. 

While  Parma  was  gone  to  the  relief  of  Paris, 
Maurice  was  able  to  give  proof  of  his  military  abilities. 
On  May  23,  1591,  he  surprised  the  fort  of  Zut- 
phen,  and  on  the  30th  he  captured  the  city.  On 
June  loth,  after  a  severe  struggle,  he  got  possession 
of  Deventer.  On  Sept.  24th  he  reduced  Ilulst,  near 
Antwerp.  On  Oct.  21st  Nimeguen  surrendered.  In 
May,  1592,  Maurice  laid  siege  to  Steenwick,  antl  in 
July  stormed  it.  In  July  Coevorden  was  besie«^ed 
and  gained,  and  the  young  Stadtholder  was  rapidly 
recovering  the  strong  places  of  Holland  from  the 
enemy.  His  victories  were  trium|)lis  of  military 
engineering,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  his  suc- 
cesses would  have  been  so  rapid  had  it  not  been  that 
his  great  enemy  was  constrained  by  Philip's  policy  to 
be  absent  from  the  country  which  he  was  governing, 
and  from  the  plans  which  he  had  formed. 

For  Philip  had  set  his  heart  on  dethroning  the 
heretic  Henry,  and  Henry  was  a  very  difficult  person 
to  deal  with.  No  one  could  cope  with  him,  though 
nearly  his  whole  kingdom  was  against  him,  but  Parma 
and  his  Spaniards,  and  the  Spaniards  were  nothing 
without  Parma.  Already  under  other  commanders 
they  had  yielded  to  the  Dutch,  and  their  general 
himself  had  been  discomfited  by  young  Maurice. 
But  Maurice  was  a  scientific  engineer.  He  was  not 
yet  the  equal  of  his  rival  in  strategy,  though  he 
already  surpassed  the  captains  who  had  been  trained 
under  Parma. 


I'RINCE  MAURICE. 


J 


154 


THE  LAST    YEARS  OF  PARMA. 


tion  of  Spain,  and  even  to  measure  itself  airainst  the 
growini,^  power  of  Kn^rland.  The  t^^overninrnt  uC  the 
country  was  in  the  hands  of  the  States-(]eneral. 

While    Parma    was   <r()nc    to    the    reh'cf    of    Paris, 
Maurice  was  able  to  ^i^ive  proof  of  his  military  abihties. 
On    .May    23,    1591,    he   surprised    the     fort   of   Zut- 
plien,   and    on    the  juth    he    captured    the   eitv.     On 
June  loth,  after  a  severe  strui^i^le,  he  <;(>t   })()sses.M*on 
of  Deventer.     On  Sept.  J4th   he  rechiced  llulst,  near 
Antwerp.     On  Oct.  21st  Xime-ucn  surrendered.      In 
May,   1592,  Maurice  laid  siei^e  to  Steenwick,  and   in 
July  stormed    it.      In   Jul)-    Coevorden   was  besiei^ed 
and  gained,  and  the  young  Stadtholder  was  rapidly 
rerov(M-ing   the  strong  places    of    lloll.nul    from    the 
enemy.       His    victories    were    triumphs    of    military 
engineering,  but  it  may  be  doubted   whether  his  suc- 
cesses would  have  been  so  rapid   had  it  not  been  that 
his  great  enemy  v.as  C(»nstrained  b\'  Philip's  policy  to 
be  absent  from  the  country  which  he  was  iroverninjj. 
and  from  the  plans  which  he  had  formed. 

For  Philip  liad  set  his  heart  on  dethroning  the 
heretic  llemy,  and  Henry  was  .1  ver\-  difficult  person 
to  deal  w  ith.  No  one  could  cope  w  ith  him.  thouLdi 
nearh'  his  whole  kingdom  was  against  him,  but  Parma 
and  his  Spaniards,  and  the  Spaniards  were  nothim- 
without  Parma.  Already  under  otiier  commanders 
they  had  yielded  to  the  Dutch,  and  their  general 
himself  had  been  discomfited  b\'  xouiil!'  Maurice. 
JUit  Maurice  was  a  scientific  engineer,  lie  was  not 
>et  the  equal  of  his  rival  in  stratesjv,  thousjh  he 
already  surpassed  the  captains  who  had  been  trained 
under  Parma. 


I'KINCE   MAUKU  E. 


i 


156 


THE   LAST    YEARS   OF   PARMA. 


i-ARMA    DISTRUSTED   BY  PHILIP, 


157 


Diirinpr  the  campaiorn  before  Rouen,  and  after 
Parma  had  forced  Henry,  on  May  20,  1592,10  raise 
the  sien^e,  the  IVince  determined  to  capture  a  small 
town  which  commanded  the  Seine.  Here  he  was 
wounded  in  the  arm,  and  was  disabled  from  active 
operations.  Still,  he  needed  all  his  powers  in  order 
,to  effect  his  retireinent  into  the  Netherlands,  and 
he  achieved  this  bv  a  masterly  manceuvre.  He 
now  returned  l..  Paris,  and  after  recruiting  him- 
self with  a  few  days  rest  there,  he  went  away  to 
Spa.  Put  beyond  the  temporary-  success  of  his 
expedition  he  had  achieved  nothin«,r,  for  the  person 
whom  he  was  associated  with  was  en^^aj^ed  in  bafHiiv 
nn. 

Mayenne,    the  brother  of  the   murdered    Duke    of 
Guise,  was  enga^i^^ed  in  a  treble  intri-ue.     As  the  paid, 
and   well-paid,   agent   of  Philip   he^  was,   to    outward 
appearance,  engaged  in  procuring  the  throne  for  that 
monarch.      He  probably  knew  all  the  while  that  the 
French  would  never  accept  Philip,  or  his  daughter,  or 
his  daughter's  husband.      Put  at  the  present   m.,mcnt 
he   had   to   show  as  clearly  as   possible   that   Philii)'s 
objects  were  his.     Then  again  he  had  his  pretensions 
to  the  throne  himself      He  caused   it  to  be  rumoured 
that  he  represented    the  familx-  of  Charles  the  (,reat, 
who  had  been  deposed  .sonic  seven  centuries  Ijcforc  by 
the  family  of  Hugh  Capet.     It   is  true  that  his  elder 
breather's  .son  was  in  the  wa\-,  but   in   times  of  revolu- 
tion obstacles  are  greatl)-  diminished,  and   are  ea.sy  to 
be  overcome  by  sanguine  and  determined  men.  Then, 
in  the  third  place,  he  was  pretty  well  convinced,  when 
he    weighed    all    the    circumstances,    that     H(  I'lry    of 


Navarre  would  win  in  the  cm\,  and  that  he  had  better 
accommodate  matters  with  him.  The  fact  is,  Philip 
had  been  engaged  all  his  life  in  overreaching  others, 
and  was  regularly  overreached  himself.  The  only 
persons  who  .served  him  faithfully  were  those  whom 
he  mistrusted,  as  Don  John  of  Austria  and  Alexander, 
Prince  ot    Parma. 

For  while  Alexander  was  astonishing  all  men  by 
his  genius  and  his  fidelit\-  to  Philip,  while  he  was 
resenting  in  the  angriest  manner  the  suspicions  which 
were  circulated  about  his  real  objects,  and  using  every 
means  in  his  p(.>wer,  legitimate  or  infamous,  on  lliilip's 
l)ehalf,  his  character  was  studiously  blackened  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  apparently  to  the  King  of  Spain's 
entire  .satisfaction.  Without  resources,  either  in  the 
country  which  he  held  and  governed,  or  from  the 
King  of  Spain  either,  with  .soldiers  mutinous  and 
starving,  he  still  kept  an  undaunted  front  and  a  loyal 
purpose,  and  .scared  them,  who  might  have  dealt  with 
him  if  the\'  had  known  the  facts  of  the  ca.se,  by  his 
calm  and  unllinchini^  couraije. 

The  men  whoin  Philip  had  sent  him  as  counsellors 
were  spies  on  him.  It  is  ])erliaps  not  wonderful  that 
they  distorted  his  acts  and  maligned  his  purpo.se. 
The  age  was  so  pre-eminently  treacherous  ;  lying  and 
chicanery  had  been  so  persistently  identified  with 
statesmanship,  that  it  was  all  but  impossible  to  trust 
any  one.  It  was  part  of  the  bitterness  of  Parma's 
lot,  that  having  been  false  to  every  one  but  his  master, 
his  master  believetl  his  servant  to  be  fal.se  to  him 
also. 

h'arnese  found  out  that  he  had  been  traduced,  and 


I 


158 


THE  LAST    YEARS  OF  PARMA. 


complained  of  it  bitterly.  It  is  not  a  little  strange 
that  in  that  atmosphere  of  deceit  and  secrecy,  where 
every  pains  was  taken  to  prevent  the  leakage  of  facts, 
the  most  dangerous  and  therefore  the  most  hidden 
particulars  were  regularly  betrayed.  Parma's  enemies 
wrote  to  the  king  in  cypher,  and  Parma  got  to  know 
the  contents  of  the  letters.  The  correspondence  of 
all  the  parties  is  now  before  us,  and  we  find  that  the 
Governor  of  the  Netherlands  contrived  to  learn  that 
which  was  intended  for  the  eyes  of  Philip  only.  He 
tells  the  king  plainly  how  indignant  he  is  at  these 
unfounded  calumnies,  and  the  king  tells  him  that 
he  has  never  received  the  despatches,  or,  if  lie 
received  them,  has  forgotten  the  contents.  lUit 
there  they  are,  the  correspondence  of  the  spies, 
scrawled  over  by  Philip,  the  letters  of  his  ill-used 
general,  and  the  copies  of  Philip's  own  letters  to  his 
viceroy. 

At  the  very  time  when  Philip  was  assuring  his 
nephew  of  his  entire  trust  and  confidence  in  him,  at 
the  time  in  which  he  was  urging  him  to  undertake 
further  expeditions  into  P' ranee,  and  declining  to  send 
him  the  necessary  funds  for  the  purpose,  and  at  the 
time  when  Parma  was,  with  characteristic  sagacity, 
informing  Philip  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  that  kingdom 
and  in  the  Netherlands,  the  King  of  Spain  was 
secretly  planning  to  supersede  his  nephew,  and  to  take 
him  prisoner  if  necessary.  He  had  sent  an  emissary, 
during  the  time  in  which  Parma  was  relieving  Rouen, 
with  instructions  to  remove  Parma  from  his  office,  by 
fraud,  if  possible,  by  force  if  necessary.  Plven  at  the 
last,  he  bade  him  lead  his  army  into  France,  and  the 


PHILIP'S    FALSEHOODS, 


159 


general  was  on  the  c\e  of  obeying  the  commands 
of  his  treacherous  master  when  the  hand  of  death  was 
laid  on  him.  An  old  man,  though  still,  for  his  years, 
in  his  prime,  he  died  on  Dec.  3,  1592.  He  was  forty- 
eight  years  old  at  his  death. 


HAARLEM. 


I 


I 


XVIII. 

\1   ri;k     IIIF.    IMAII[    OF    IWRMA. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  the  freedom  of  the 
Netherlands  \vass(  rved  better  by  the  death  t.f  h'.irncsc 
or  the  recoi^nitioii  of  Henry  as  Kinij^  of  p^ ranee  b)'  the 
principal  persons  who  had  intri;;iied  with  Philip,  had 
taken  his  monev,  and  were  now  nei^otiatin*^  with  I  Icnry 
for  more  mone\-  and  place  and  pardon.  Certainly 
a  more  rapacious  and  shameless  crew  never  existed 
than  the  French  nobility.  Fortunately  for  Holland, 
the  miller  and  th.e  weaver,  the  sailor  and  the  trader, 
were  in  the  asceihiant  in  the  Dutch  Republic.  Had 
that  republic  been  cursed  by  nobles,  even  like  those  in 
Manders,  it  mi^ht  well  have  been  despaired  of  Henry 
of  I^'rancc  renounced  the  Reformed  rclij^ion  for  that  of 
Rome,  was  wiUinq;,  as  he  said,  to  win  his  kingdom  bv 
hearini,^  mass,  and  his  future  career  little  concerns 
us. 

After  an  interval  of  little  more  than  a  year,  a  suc- 
cessor was  appt)inted  to  Parma,  a  middle-aged,  fat, 
i^outy,  lethap^ic  person,  the  Archduke  Panest  of 
Austria.     In   the  meantime,   Maurice  had   not    been 


MAURICE    UAL\S   REPUTATION. 


l6l 


idle.  He  had  captured  Geertruydenberg  in  June, 
1593.  He  t;ot  possession  of  Groningen,  the  capital  of 
P'riesland,  in  July,  i  594,  and  now  the  republic  was  con- 
stituted, almost  within  the  limits  from  which  so  much 
that  was  heroic  and  wonderful  was  to  proceed  for  a 
century  or  more,  l^ut  for  a  long  time  the  Hollanders 
strove  to  recover  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands. Had  they  -ik  <  eeded,  their  history  would  have 
been  a  different  one,  lor  it  is  certain  that  the  narrow- 
ness of  the  republic,  and  the  great  demands  made  on 
it  for  the  work  which  it  had  to  effect,  were  the  ultimate 
causes  of  its  weakness  and  decay,  at  a  time  when 
F:urope  still  wondered,  .md  believed  that  its  resources 
were  exhaustless.  The  Hollanders  were  unable  to 
bestow  freedom  on  the  Flemings. 

After  two  ineffectual  and  easily-discovered  plots, 
in  which  Philip  had  bribed  assassins  to  murder  p:iiza- 
beth  and  Maurice,  after  the  Hollanders  had  spent 
much  treasure  and  blood  on  behalf  of  Henry  of 
France,  who  was  cjuite  prepared  to  abandon  them 
and  make  peace  with  Spain  as  soon  as  ever  his  own 
purposes  were  served,  and  alter  Henry  had  been 
absolved  by  the  Pope,  and  the  Archduke  pjnest  had 
died,  Philip  determined  to  surrender  the  Netherlands 
to  his  son-in-law  and  daughter.  Ihe  son-in-law  was 
a  brother  of  Panest,  Archbishop  of  'Poledo,  and  a 
Cardinal.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  he  should 
be  released  from  his  vows  and  his  orders,  in  order  to 
fulfil  his  new  function  of  secular  prince.  With  him 
was  sent  that  son  of  William  the  Silent  who  had 
been  kidnapped  twenty-eight  years  before,  and  had 
been  carefully  educated  by  the  Spanish  Jesuits.     All 


I 


l62 


AFTER    THE   DEATH   OF  PARMA. 


the  memory  that  he  now  retained  of  his  father  was  a 
profound  reverence  for  his  name  and  character. 

The  English  and  the  Dutch  now  determined  to 
make  a  concentrated  attack  on  certain  of  the  Spanish 
ports.  The  exploit  of  Drake,  ten  years  before,  gave, 
no  doubt,  its  stimulus  to  the  expedition  of  1596. 
Drake  and  Hawkins,  indeed,  had  just  passed  away. 
But  there  were  Essex,  Raleigh,  Howard,  and  Vere  to 
take  part  with  the  Dutch  admirals.  They  reached 
Cadiz  on  June  30th,  and  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet 
there,  landed  their  troops,  captured  the  fort,  drove  the 
Spanish  troops  into  headlong  flight,  and  got  possession 
of  city  and  citadel.  They  would  have  cai)tured  the 
fleet  also,  but  the  Spanish  admiral,  who,  eight  years 
before,  had  commanded  the  great  Armada,  chose  to 
destroy  his  fleet  rather  than  suffer  it  to  fall  into  his 
enemies'  hands.  It  was  an  object  with  Essex  and 
Vere  to  fortify  Cadiz  and  hold  it,  or  at  least  to  make 
a  dash  at  the  great  fleet  of  Indiamen  which  was  hourly 
expected.  But  Lord  Howard  peremptorily  refused  to 
permit  either  attempt,  and  the  fleet  sailed  back  to 
England. 

The  capture  and  sack  of  Cadiz  had  no  immediate 
military  results.  In  some  particulars  it  was  even  a 
disaster,  as  much  of  the  spoil  taken  at  Cadiz  was  the 
property  of  Dutch  merchants,  who  were,  during  the 
time  that  they  were  waging  war  with  Philii),  carrying 
on  a  lucrative  trade  with  his  Spanish  dominions,  and 
resenting  with  the  greatest  wrath  any  interference  with 
that  trade,  as  they  did  a  century  later.  Indeed  the 
profits  of  the  trade  with  the  Indies,  now  for  the  most 
part  in  Philip  s  hands,  were  vital  to  the  Dutch,  because 


CAPTURE   OF  CADIZ, 


163 


from  It  alone  they  regularly  derived  the  means  for 
carrying  on  the  war.  Their  own  Indian  Empire,  soon 
after  to  be  so  important,  was  not  yet  founded,  hardly 
imagined.  Hence  they  were  reproached  with  supplying 
the  very  means  by  which  Philip  could  carry  on  the 
war,  and  were  said  to  have  sold  the  Spaniards  the 
gunpowder  with  which  Dutch  cities  were  assailed  and 
Dutch  soldiers  slain.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
trade  operations  of  the  Dutch  were  equally  essential 
to  Philip,  for  without  them  he  could  have  been  ex- 
cluded from  the  markets  for  which  these  products 
were  designed,  and  from  the  profits  which  he  found  it 
so  necessary  to  realize. 

But   the   military  importance  of  the  sack  of  Cadiz 
was  enormous.     The  Dutch  and  the  English  were  not 
afraid  of  the  Spanish  war  vessels  on  the  Dutch  and 
PLnirlish  shores,  and  had  more  than  once  given  a  good 
acccnmt  of  them.    The  English,  too,  under  Drake,  had 
singed  the  King  of  Spain's  beard.    The  Dutch  had  now 
done  the  same  thing  under  the  guns  of  a  fortress  and 
a  fortified  city,  and  with  scarce  any  loss  to  themselves. 
Henceforth  we  shall  sec  that  the  exploit  of  1 596  sug- 
gested to  the  Hollanders  far  wider  and  bolder  schemes, 
which  they  were  not  slow  to  carry  to  a  successful 
issue.     In  these  expeditions  the  English  would   have 
shared  had  not  James  of  Scotland   and   England  set 
his  heart  on  peace  with  Spain  and  a  marriage  alliance 
between  that  decrepid  family  and   his  own.      Unfor- 
tunately, Holland  was  .so  weakened  by  the  temporary 
withdrawal  of  some  of  her  best  troops  to  Cadiz,  that 
she  lost  an  important  port  to  the  Spaniards.     In  the 
same  year  a  treaty,  offensive  and  defensive,  was  made 


ib4 


AFTLR    illE    DEATH    OF   PARMA. 


between  England,  France  and  Holland,  and  Thilip, 
despite  the  destruction  of  his  fleet  at  Cadiz,  fitted  out 
another  Armada,  with  which  he  attempted  to  attack 
England  h)-  landing  on  Ireland.  I^ut  the  Siroud 
Armada  had  the  same  fate  as  the  first,  it  was  over- 
taken, shortly  after  it  set  sail.  h\'  a  tremendous  storm, 
in  which  forty  vessels  foundered  with  five  thousaiul 
men  on  board. 

In  the  b.'gimiing  of  the  year    1597,  Maurice,  now 
reinforced  b\-  his  friend  \'ere,  attacked  and  routed  the 
flower  of  the  Spanish  forces.   It  was  the  first  time  that 
the  Spaniards  had  suffered  so  sc\^i^   a  re\.  i-v   ai   the 
hands  of  Dutch  and  luiglish  troops.     The  success  was 
due  to  the  admirable  discipline  .ind  training   which 
Maurice    had    given    to    ]v<    cavalr)-.       l*erhaj)s    the 
victory    was  to    >ome    extent  aided   by  the   f.ic  t  that 
in    the    November    preceding    Philip    had    solemnly 
repudiated  all    his    debts,  and    thereupon  effectually 
destroyed  his  own  credit.      During  the  >  ear   Maurice 
continued    his    campaign,    and    completely   liberated 
the  navigation  of  the   Rhine   from  the   Si)anish   forts 
which  barred  its  use.     Meanwhile  the  financial  policy 
of  Philip  was  followed   by  a  wholesale  mutin\-  of  his 
army.    In  the  next  year,  1598,  little  was  done  beyond 
the  conclusion   of  a  treatv  of  peace   between  Henry 
and  Philip,  ineffectual   negotiations  between  Holland 
and  Henry  to  prevent  this  result,  and  a  renewal  of  the 
engagements  between  Elizabeth  and  the  States.    The 
Peace  of  Vervins,   signed   on    May  2nd,   was    a   full 
recognition  of  the  right  of  Henrv  to  the  kingdom  of 
France.   P'our  days  afterwards  Philip  formally  handed 
over  the  Netherlands  to  his  daughter  and  son-in-law, 


I 


nil  LIP  dnts  AWAY  THE  \EriiERLAM)S.     165 

the   Cardinal   Archduke   Albert,   and   with   them  his 
pretended  sovereignty  in    Holland. 

A  few  weeks  after  this  tbrmality  Philip  was  on  his 
death-bed.  He  had  aspired  to  universal  sovereignty, 
and  he  was  now  passing  away  from  all  authority  and 
all  power.  He  had  sacrificed  millions  of  lives  to  his 
ambition,  millions  to  his  superstition,  and  he  was  now 
perishing  in  tortures  and  agonies  more  terrible  than 
any  which  had  been  inflicted  by  his  generals  and  in- 
quisitors. Put  so  convinced  was  he  that  he  had  been 
all  his  life  in  the  right,  that  he  bore  all  his  sufferings 
with  patience,  and  constantly  asserted,  as  he  lay 
wasting  away,  that  he  had  consciousl)-  wronged  no 
one.  \)uriiig  his  long  reign  of  forty-two  years  he 
had  been  the  destroyer  of  mankind.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  he  preferred  open  violence,  assassination, 
or  treachery,  but  he  used  each  or  all  with  alacrity 
whenever  he  had  the  opportunity  or  thought  the  act 

expedient. 

VVc,  in  these  days  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  find 

it  difficult  to  recall   the  temper  of  an  age  when,  over 

the  greater  part  of  the  Christian  and  civilized  world, 

these  familiar  experiences  were  not   only    unknown, 

but  the  vindication  of  them  was  held  to  be  treason, 

and  heresy  worse  than   treason.   The  old  doctrine  was 

that  men  should  hold  their  lives  and  their  property 

on  the  will  of  their  sovereign,  and  though  this  doctrine 

was  never  accepted  in  England  or  the  Netherlands, 

the  only  parts  of  Europe   where,  at  the  epoch  of  the 

Reformation,    the    doctrine     was    disputed,    it   was 

insisted  on  in  every  Court  and  inculcated  from  every 

State  pulpit.  Before  the  Reformation  it  was  still  more 


1 66 


AFTER    THE   DEATH   OF   PARMA. 


uniformly  affirmed  that  the  creed  of  ev'er\'  man  should 
be  taken  from  a  priest   liviny^  in   an  ancient  Italian 
town,  elected    by  a   corrupt  and  ambitious    body  of 
prelates,  and    not   infrequently  stained   with  grosser 
and  more  hateful   vices  than   any  secular  potentate 
was      This  is  the  account   which   writers  of  an  aL^e 
when  no  schism  was  dreamed  of  give  of  the  Popes  of 
the  fifteenth  and  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  centuries. 
The  deference  paid  to  the  doctrine  and  discipline 
of  these  persons,  the  unhesitating   obedience  which 
they  demanded  or  exacted,  was  more  degrading  than 
the  worship  of  the  bull  Apis  in  Egypt,  or  of  the  Lama 
in  Thibet,  because  the  authority  of  the  Pope  was  con- 
stantly exercised   in  enforcing  that  which  the  moral 
sense  of  all  but  the  most  depraved  secretly  or  openly 
repudiated.      It    is  true    that    for  a    long  time  these 
criticisms  were   whispered   rather  than  uttered,  were 
conveyed  in  a  language  which  was  not   understood, 
and  carefully  noted  by  those  whose  books  were  never 
published  ;   for  that  Authority  took    measures,  never 
known  in  the  history  of  any  other  religion,  to  suppress 
all  free  thought  by  the  most  relentless  cruelties,    I  wen 
when  the  revolt  came  it  was   the  transference  of  the 
subjects'  faith  from  a  priestly  to  a  royal  despot.     The 
doctrine  of  the  Lutheran  and  the  Lnglish  episcopalian 
was,  and  long  remained,  that  the  religion  of  the  prince 
must  be  the  religion  of  the  subject,  and  that  all  other 
opinion    must  be  proscribed  and   punished.      Calvin 
and   Luther  were   as  intolerant,  though  not   cruel,  as 
Torquematla  and  Titclmann. 

The  Dutch  were  the  first  to  permit,  and  to  acknow- 
ledge,  religious    toleration.       Nothing    shows     how 


PHILIP'S   DEATH. 


167 


slowly  men  have  been  emancipated  from  priestly 
despotism  than  the  fact  that  the  word  toleration,  that 
is,  the  endurance,  without  any  severe  penalties,  of 
reWious  differences, should  be  hailed  as  the  first  charter 
of  religious  liberty.  This  toleration  the  Dutch  were 
the  first  to  concede.  They  could  not  indeed  permit 
the  open  performance  of  Roman  Catholic  rites.  But 
it  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  sixteenth  century 
the  faith  of  the  Roman  Church  was  a  gigantic  con- 
spiracy, unsleeping  and  unscrupulous  against  any  man, 
any  state,  any  race  which  dissented  from  it.  To  give 
way  to  it,  when  its  supremacy  was  repudiated,  was  to 
be  treasonable  to  liberty,  to  hope,  to  progress,  to 
justice. 


'  fl 


XIX. 

DUTCH  ENTERPRISE. 

Holland,  and  especially  Amsterdam,  had  become 
the  entrepot  of  the  trade  of  North-western  Europe. 
Excellent  as  was  the  aj^rictilture  of  Holland,  it 
did  not  sii[)ply  food  for  its  inhabitants,  for  the 
skill  of  its  ai^riculturists  was  almost  entirely  cattle 
raisini^  and  market  gardenin<^.  It  is  true  that 
the  development  of  these  industries  was  hereafter, 
as  we  shall  sec,  to  have  a  world-wide  effect.  Hut 
Holland  i\\<\  not  <^n'ow  wheat  enough  to  find 
bread  {k)X  a  tenth  (^'(  its  inhabitants.  lUit  the 
markets  of  the  country  were  abundantly  supplied. 
The  ancient  forests  were  i^one,  but  Holland  was  the 
principal  timber  mart  of  tlic  world.  Its  towns  were 
built  on  peat  marshes  where  not  a  pebble  could  be 
found  on  the  surface.  But  its  quays  held  the  produce 
of  vast  marble  i^ranite  and  stone  quarries.  It  dis- 
tributed the  products  of  the  West  and  I^:ast,  of  America 
and  Asia.  It  throve  on  the  decay  of  the  obedient 
provinces.  It  absorbed  what  had  been  the  trade  of 
Antwerp,  what  had  been  the  manufactures  of  Ghent 
and  Bruges,  and  it  added  to  them  of  its  own.  ' 


'Ct: 


M 


'•■■. 


r 


\— 


\ 


S:'^..,f 


V 

/ 


Pi 
U 

?: 

o 

Cri 


I   <l 


X I X. 

r)U  1\  II   KN  rKKf'KISK. 

IIoi  I  \\r>.  and  cs{)ccialK'  Ainstcnlam.  had  become 

tile    cnliYpr-i   iff  the  trad,      -i    Xorth.-wc^ti-in    ]uiro[)c. 

l^xccllcnt    as    was    tlie    aL^ricultiire    of    Ilollaiul,    it 

did    not    supply     food     f  .r     its    inhabitant-,    for    thi- 

skill   of  its  a'4i-i(niltnrist<   \v;i-;    ,-ilnio^t    entirely    cattle 

rai-inL;     and     markel    L^.iKKnniL;.        It     is    true    that 

the    development     of  these  industries  was  hereafter, 

a-   we   shall   see,   to   have  a   world-wide    effect.        Hut 

Holland     did     not      ^i     -       wheat      enou-h      n.      find 

bre.id     |..r     a     tenth     <»i     u-    inhabitants.        Hut     the 

market-   of    the   country    weir    abundantl\-    -;ipplic-d. 

The  ancient  forests  were  ;^^one,  but    Holland   was  the 

principal  tiinbrr  mart   nf  tlic   world.      It-  t.wvn-  were 

built  on   p(  at    marshes   where  not   a  pebb'         add    be 

found  on  the  surface.     lUit  it-  (juays  held  the  |)rochice 

of  vast    marble  c::ranite  and   stone  (juarries.       It  (h's- 

tributed  the  prodn.  t-  ..t  tlit    West  and  Ma-1.  olAmerica 

and    Asia.       It   throw  on   the  decav  of  th«    .-bedient 

provinces.      It  absori)ed  what  had  been  the  trade  of 

Antwerp,  what  had   been   the  mamifacture^  of  (dient 

and  HruL^e^.  and  it  added  to  them  i.t  its  .-.u. 


u. 


\  I 


170 


DUTCH  ENTERPRISE. 


Commerce  was  as  necessary  to  Holland  as  were 
political  and  religious  freedom,  and  it  carried  on  its 
commerce,  not  only  with  friendly  nations,  but  even 
with  its  bitterest  enemies,  and  to  the  last,  it  stood  out 
resolutely  and  successfully  for  the  freedom  of  its  trade. 
It  did  not,  and  it  could  hardly  be  expected  to  do  so, 
recognize  the  same  riii^hts  of  freedom  of  trade  for  other 
nations,  and  we  shall  see  hereafter  that  the  decline  of 
Dutch  commerce  was  due  to  the  restrictions  which  it 
strove  to  put  on  the  commercial  liberty  of  others,  as 
soon  as  it  obtained  the  mastery  in  the  Indian  seas, 
and  the  one-sided  commercial  tre<itics  which  it 
ne<^otiated  with  nations  whom  it  had  not  the  power 
or  the  inclination  to  subdue.  Hut  in  those  days  the 
interest  of  nations  overbore  the  passions  of  princes. 
Piracy  and  buccaneering  was  practised  between  the  sub- 
jects of  sovereigns  who  were  nominally  at  peace  with 
one  another,  and  trade  was  carried  on  between  the 
subjects  of  princes  who  were  at  war  with  each  other. 
In  no  case  was  this  a  more  marked  and  ol)\'ious  fact 
than  in  the  trade  of  the  Dutch  cities  with  the  Si)anish 

ports. 

After  the  unior.  of  the  kingdom  of  Portugal  to  that 
of  Spain,  Philip,  or  his  advisers,  began  to  see  that 
they  could  cripple  the  Dutch  by  interfering  with  their 
trade  at  the  S^^anish  and  Portuguese  ports,  and  efforts 
were  made  to  stop  it.  But  these  were  incomplete  and 
interrupted.  There  were  no  manufactures  in  Spain 
from  which  Spanish  navies  could  be  equii)ped,  and 
Spanish  factors  could  not  buy  materials  at  Amsterdam 
unless  the  Government  winked  at  Dutch  trade  in 
Cadiz  and  Lisbon.     Besides  the  Spaniards  wished  to 


LINSCHOTEN'S  MAPS. 


171 


I 


sell,  and  the  only  factors  whom  they  could  employ  in 
North-western  Europe  were  the  Dutch.  Hence  for  a 
long  time  after  the  Atlantic  had  been  a  Spanish  lake, 
and  Holland  had  been  at  war  with  Philip  for  more 
than  a  generation,  the  Dutch,  though  hardy  and 
enterprising  sailors,  had  not  ventured  on  th6  Cape 
Passage,  or  even  across  the  Atlantic,  but  had  taken 
up  the  trade  of  the  East  and  West  where  Spain  had 
found  it  convenient  or  safe  to  fix  its  locality  for 
I^urope,  and  permit  the  distribution  of  its  products. 
The  English,  it  is  true,  had  sailed  round  the  world, 
though  no  steady  trade  had  been  the  result  of  this 
venture.  It  is  not  till  the  end  of  the  century  that 
charters  were  given  to  traders  in  the  Levant,  and  the 
English  PZast  India  Company  was  chartered,  after  the 
monopolies  of  Alexander  the  Sixth  had  endured  for  a 

full  century. 

The  first  stimulus  given  to  maritime  enterprise  and 
discovery  in  I  lolland  wasthe  publication  of  Linschoten's 
work  on  the  luist.  This  man  was  the  son  of  a  TVies- 
lander,  who  had  that  passion  for  travel  and  foreign 
experience  which,  when  wisely  directed,  has  bestowed 
such  benefits  on  mankind.  Linschoten  lived  for  two 
yearsat  Lisbon, and  then,  getting  employed  among  the 
attendants  of  the  Archbishop  of  Goa,  thirteen  years 
in  Bombay.  Here  he  patiently  collected  all  the 
information  he  could  amass  as  to  the  country  in 
which  he  lived,  as  well  as  the  character  of  the  voyage 
to  the  East,  its  trade  winds,  harbours,  islands,  and 
other  matters  of  knowledge  to  thesailor, accompanying 
his  work  with  maps  and  charts.  This  was  the  first 
information   given  to  the  Dutch,  and  indeed  to  the 


172 


DUTCH   ENTERPRISE, 


world,  for  the  Spaniards  and  Portuc^ucsc  kept  their 
knowledge  of  the  navigation  in  these  regions  a  pro- 
found secret.  Linschotcn's  voyages  was  published 
in  English  in  1598,  and  his  map  of  the  Indies  is 
alluded  to  by  Shakespeare  in  his  play  of  "Twelfth 
Night."  In  Holland  it  excited  an  intense  and  kisting 
interest. 

Now,  for  a  very  long  time,  indeed  up  to  very  recent 
times,  it  was  believed  that  a  passage  could  be  found 
by  the  northern  seas  to  China  and  India,  and  should 
such  a  discovery  be  successfully  made  and  carried 
forwards,  that  a  journey  of  several  thousaml  miles 
would  be  saved.  There  was  an  ancient  belief  too,  as 
old  as  the  time  of  Herodotus,  that  if  one  could  once 
get  through  the  barrier  of  ice  and  sudw,  the  navigator 
could  sail  into  a  new  region  of  perpetual  s[)ring,  sun- 
shine, and  calm.  The  age  was  still  uncritical,  or  at 
least  unscientific,  and  the  fable  of  Hyperborean  felicity 
of  a  race  which  li\cd  free  from  the  \  ici^^ituiles  of 
climate  was  still  gravely  believed.  Linschoten, 
Plancius  the  preacher,  and  Maalzoon,  were  eager  to 
attempt  the  \orth-east  Passage,  and  Parneveldt  lent 
them  his  powerful  [>atr(>ii.ige.  There  were  intUxd  no 
maps  of  the  regions  l>ing  beyond  the  White  Sea  and 
the  port  of  Archangel  which  had  been  sought  for  dis- 
astrously by  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  fift\' vears  before  ; 
but  there  were  strong  beliefs,  whicli  w\  re  accepted  as 
certainties  by  these  enthusiastic  Dutchmen,  that  the 
voyage  would  be  easy  and  successful,  and  would 
enable  Holland  at  little  risk  to  herself  to  take  her 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  rivals  in  the  rear. 

In  those  days  the  appliances  of  navigation  were  far 


EXPEDITION    TO    THE   POLAR   SEA. 


^73 


i 


I 


.1 

I 


^ 


( 


behind  those  of  modern  exi')erience  and  science.  The 
vessels  were  clumsy  and  ill-built,  the  nautical  instru- 
ments were  rude  and  few,  and  the  victualling  of  ships 
was  so  imperfect,  that  a  prolonged  voyage  turned  the 
best-appointed  ship  into  an  hospital  within  a  few 
weeks.  IVIen  had  no  experience  of  an  Arctic  winter 
and  no  expedients  by  which  to  meet  or  mitigate  its 
rigour  and  severity.  The  weapons  with  which  they 
miirht  defend  themselves  from  wild  animals  and  fierce 
enemies  were  to  be  sure  the  best  then  known,  but 
awkward  to  handle,  and  slow  to  use. 

On  June  5,    1594,   the  first  expedition  to  the  Polar 
seas  was  begun.  The  voyagers  started  in  three  vessels 
and  a  fishing  yacht,  the  vessels  being  supplied  by  the 
cities  of  Amsterdam  and  luikhuizen,  and  the  province 
of  Zeland.      Harendz  was  captain  of  the  Amsterdam 
vessel,  Linschoten  of  the  other  two.     The  former  of 
these    visited     the     islands     of    Nova    Zembla,    and 
accurately  mapped  them.    Linschoten  passed  through 
the  Straits  of  W'aigatz,    between    these  islands   and 
the  mainland,  and  made  for  the  open  sea  which  he 
was  informed  would  be  found  there.     After  sailing  for 
a  hundred   and    fill}-   miles,   he  was   met    by  violent 
storms  and  huge  ice-drifts,  and  saw  that  it  was  im- 
possible, at  least  on  that  occasion,  to  achieve  the  object 
of  his    expedition.      On   August   15th  he  discovered 
Harendz's  ship,   and  the  little  fleet  reached  Amster- 
dam by  the  middle  of  September.     They  had  strange 
stories  to  tell  of  the  Polar  bears,  and  the  seals,  and  of 
a  new  and  terrible  kind  of  animal,  the  walrus  ;  which 
half  in  sport,  half  in  rage  tried  to  sink  their  boats  with 
its  long  protruding  tusks. 


174 


DUTCH  ENTERPRISE. 


Wintering  at  nova  zembla. 


175 


Linschotcn  was  convinced  that  thcv  should  reach 
China  by  the  North-east  Passage,  and  next  year 
Barneveldt  and  Maurice,  as  well  as  manv^  of  the  States- 
General,  shared  his  belief.  They  resolved  to  send  seven 
ships  in  1595,  and  to  load  them  with  broadcloths, 
linen  and  tapestries  for  the  trade  which  they 
were  to  open  up  with  China.  So  long  a  time  did  they 
take  in  these  mercantile  arrangements  that  the 
summer  was  half  over  before  the  fleet  started. 
Barcndz,  Linschoten,  and  Jacob  Hecmskcrk  were 
at  the  head  of  the  expedition.  They  sailed  as  before 
through  the  Straits  of  Waigatz,  and  landed  on 
Statcn  Island  on  September  2nd.  Here  they  were 
attacked  by  a  white  bear,  and  two  of  their  number 
were  slain  and  half-eaten  by  the  beast  before  they 
could  dispatch  him.  They  soon  were  forced  to  return 
with  the  bear's  skin  and  a  supply  of  what  they  took 
to  be  diamonds,  and  were  picking  up  when  the  bear 
attacked  them.  They  got  back  to  Amsterdam  on 
November  i8th,  and  the  States-General,  greatly  dis- 
appointed, refused  to  have  anything  more  to  do 
directly  with  Arctic  navigation,  though  they  offered  a 
prize  of  25,000  florins  to  any  navigator  who  should 
discover  the  passage,  and  a  proportionate  sum  to  any 
one  who  might  fail  of  success,  but  might  make  a 
praiseworthy  venture. 

Barendz  and  others  with  him  determined  if  pos- 
sible to  assay  the  North-east  Passage  again.  They 
got  two  ships  from  Amsterdam,  and  started  on  May 
18,  1596.  On  June  19th  they  reached  a  latitude 
which  was  within  ten  degrees  of  the  pole.  To  the 
land  which  they  found  here  they  gave  the  name  of 


Spitzbergen.      But   in    July  the   ice  began    to    close 
about  them,  and  they  resolved  if  they  could  to  avoid  it. 
They  got  back  to  Nova  Zembla,  and    after  various 
experiences  with  ice   and    Polar  bears,    reached    the 
extreme  north-eastern  part  of  the  island.     Here  they 
found  open  water,  and  were  full  of  hope  that  the  end 
of  their  voyage  was  achieved.     But  they  were  soon 
undeceived,  and  the  growing  masses  of  ice  drove  them 
anew  into  the  harbour.     On  September  ist  the  ship 
was  frozen  fast  into  the  bergs,  and  it  was  clear  that 
they  would   have  to  pass  through   an  Arctic  winter. 
Fortunately  for  them  the  shores  of  the   island   were 
covered    with    drift-wood,   borne    by    ocean   currents 
from  far  distant  places.     They  built  themselves  a  hut, 
and  gathered  stores  of  fuel  for  the  long  winter  that 
was  coming.     Part  of  their  provisions  was  bears'  flesh, 
and  indeed  the  bears  would  have  eaten  them,  if  they 
had    not    been    on    the    alert,   and    retaliated.       On 
October  2nd  they  finished  their  house,  sixteen  men 
bein^  left  of  the  expedition.     On  November  4th  the 
sun  rose  no  more. 

It  was  now  too  cold  for  the  bears.  They  disappeared, 
and  white  foxes  took  their  place.  The  Dutchmen 
caught  them,  ate  them,  and  clothed  themselves  in 
their  skins.  It  was  time,  for  their  luiropcan  clothing 
was  frozen  stiff.  They  nearly  in  December  stifled 
themselves,  by  lighting  a  coal  fire  and  stopping  up  all 
the  crevices  in  their  hut.  P^ortunately,  and  before  it 
was  too  late,  one  of  them  forced  open  the  door.  As 
often  as  they  could,  they  constantly  made  their  nau- 
tical and  astronomical  observations.  On  January  24th 
the  sun  just  reapi)eared,  and  on  the  27th  the  whole 


1/6 


DUTCH   ENTERPRISK. 


disk  was  seen.  S^on  afterwards  the  foxes  disappeared, 
and  the  bears  came  back  as  hunj^^y  and  Icrocious  as 
ever. 

On  April  17th  they  saw  open  sea  in  the  distance.  In 
May  they  determined  to  start  back  home.  Rnt  there 
was  no  hope  that  they  could  a^^jain  use  their  ship,  and  they 
had  only  two  open  boats  to  make  the  voya«j^e  in.  On 
June  I4t]i  thcybei^an  to  return.  On  June 20th  l^arendz, 
thou<^h  still  full  of  hope,  died  of  exhaustion,  .\ftcr 
many  adventures,  but  without  further  serious  d<uii;er, 
they  arrived  at  Amstertlam  on  November  ist.  They 
had  been  absent  for  seventeen  months,  and  for  ten  of 
these  months  the)-  h.i  1  sutV-  red  the  extremiti<"s  of  an 
Arctic  winter.  The  expedition  closetl  all  expLiunciUs 
after  a  North-east  Passai^e  antl  the  sea  of  thi'  ll\per- 
boreans.  lleemskerk  returned  to  make  a  <^reat  name 
for  liimself  elsewhere,  and  to  be  as  L;reat  a  terror  to 
Spain  as  Drake  had  been. 

In  1595,  the  IJutch  reached  the  l^.ast  Indies  by  the 
Cape  Passa^i^e,  and  bei;an  the  establishment  of  that 
^rcat  institution,  the  Dutch  h'.ast  India  Company,  of 
which  we  shall  hear  shortly.  In  159S  another  fleet 
started  for  the  inu'pose  of  passiui;  throuL,di  the  Straits 
of  MaLTcllan  into  the  Pacific,  at  that  time  suppo.sed  to 
be  the  only  wa\-  to  the  other  ocean.  Of  the  fleet 
which  made  this  voyai^e  one  onl)-  returned  to  I  loliand. 
The  Dutch  had  simultaneously  explored  the  North 
and  tile  South  Poles. 


XX. 


Tin:   DUTCH   INDIES. 


IXTKKRUrTKD  as  the  Dutcli  trade  with  Spain  and 
its  dependencies  was,  that  of  England  was  still  more 
impeded,  and,  in  consequence,  the  Dutch  had  prac- 
tically obtained  a  monopoly  of  l^a.stern  produce  in 
North-west  ICurope.  Now  of  all  Ka.stern  produce  the 
mu.-,L  j^enerally  in  demand  was  pepper.  The  ordinary 
price  of  this  spice  had  been  from  2s.  8d.  to  2s.  gd.  the 
pound,  and  the  Dutch  having  got  the  trade  almost 
entirely  into  their  hands,  raised  it  from  this  price  to  4s. 
or  even  8s.  The  Oueen  therefore  determined  to  erect 
an  Kast  India  Company  among  her  own  people,  and 
on  December  31,  1600,  a  charter  issued  constituting 
that  trading  as.sociation  which  in  course  of  time 
established  the  Anglo-Indian  Empire.  The  Queen, 
in  order  to  encourage  the  trade,  not  only  conferred  a 
monopoly  on  the  C(Mnpany,  and  empowered  the 
members  of  it  to  inllict  heavy  penalties  and  forfeitures 
on  interlopers,  but  exempted  the  traders  under  the 
Compan\''s  charter  from  all  customs  duties  for  four 
years.     As  far  as  jjej^per  went,  the  results  were  satis- 


178 


THE   DUTCH   INDIES. 


factory,  for  from  this  time  forth,  the  price  of  pepper 
to  the  EngHsh  consumer  was  very  rarely  above  2s.  the 
lb.,  and  was  frequently  less.  The  first  capital  of  the 
English  East  India  Company  was  £'j 2,000. 

On  March  20,  1602,  the  Dutch  East  India  Company 
was  formed.  The  capital  of  the  Company  was  to  be 
6,600,000  florins,  or  il^5 50,000,  so  much  more  rich,  or 
so  much  more  assured  were  the  Dutch  merchants.  Of 
this  capital  Amsterdam  was  to  provide  a  half,  Ze- 
land  a  quarter,  and  the  residue  was  to  come  from  the 
other  Dutch  cities.  The  direction  of  the  Company 
was  after  a  time  to  be  proportionate  to  the  rate  con- 
tributed by  each  of  the  contingents.  The  fleet  which 
sailed  from  Holland  was  of  the  same  character  with 
the  capital  of  the  Company,  and  the  powers  which 
the  States-General  bestowed  on  their  directors  and 
their  acrents  are  like  those  which  Elizabeth  conferred 
on  the  English  Company.  It  is  to  be  observed  that 
this  association  amalgamated  the  private  companies 
which  had  hitherto  carried  on  their  traffic  without  the 
general  sanction  of  the  States-General,  and  therefore 
consolidated  a  trade  which  was  already  in  existence. 

In  our  days,  it  would  be  unwise  and  unjust  to  confer 
a  monopoly  of  trade  upon  any  joint  stock  company, 
and  to  bestow  on  the  members  of  such  a  company 
the  power  of  punishing  those  who  intruded  on  the 
privilege  so  conferred.  But  it  was  a  very  different 
matter  in  those  times.  In  the  first  place,  they  had  to 
contend  against  the  absolute  power  of  the  Spanish 
government.  In  the  next,  the  Dutch  and  the  luiglish 
were  a  hundred  years  later  in  the  field  than  their 
rivals.     In  the  third  place,  there  was  need  for  an  im- 


TIIE  EAST  INDIA    COMPANY. 


179 


posing  display  of  strength,  in  order  to  secure  the 
good-will  and  anticipate  the  possible  treachery  of  the 
Eastern  potentates  with  whom  the  new  adventurers 
had  to  deal.  Now  such  objects  required  the  expendi- 
ture of  a  great  deal  of  money  not  only  in  fleets,  which 
were  quite  as  much  armed  cruisers  as  merchant 
vessels,  but  on  permanent  works,  ports,  and  factories, 
and  it  was  obviously  unfair  that  they  who  contribute 
nothing  to  the  outlay  should  share  in  the  gain  which 
the  expenditure  of  others  secured.  It  may  be  observed 
that  the  first  English  vojage  was  directed  to  those 
Eastern  ports  with  which  the  Dutch  were  already 
familiar.  We  shall  see  that  in  time  this  rivalry  led  to 
awkward  entanglements,  and  in  the  end  to  serious 
quarrels.  The  trouble  was  all  the  greater,  since  a 
year  after  the  foundation  of  the  Dutch  Company 
Elizabeth  died  and  James  became  king. 

In  1605  the  Dutch  East  India  Company  sent  out 
its  third  fleet  to  the  East.  The  second  of  these  fleets 
had  established  forts  and  factories  in  Malabar,  and 
had  established  friendly  relations  with  the  princes  of 
Sumatra.  The  third  captured  Amboyna  from  the 
Spaniards,  and  secured  the  whole  town  and  island  for 
the  Company.  The  next  object  of  the  Dutch  was  to 
get  possession  of  the  five  islands  on  which  alone  at 
that  time  the  clove  grew.  For  the  monopoly  of  this 
spice  Spaniards,  Dutchmen,  and  Englishmen  long 
contended,  and  warred  sedulously.  It  was  probably 
introduced  into  Europe  by  the  various  routes  from 
the  East  from  very  early  times,  and  was  in  great 
request.  To  obtain  a  monopoly  of  it  for  themselves 
the  Dutch  thought  no  efforts  and  no  sacrifices  too 


i8o 


THE   DUTCH   INDIES. 


UATAl'IA, 


l8l 


c^rcat.  The  Spaniards  claimed  the  islands  under  the 
grant  of  Roderick  Hori;ia.  The  Dutch  sci/.cd  them 
as  prize  of  war.  The  luigHsh,  who  had  ceased  to  care 
for  the  Tope,  disputed  the  prize,  as  they  disputed  the 
ori'n'nil  title.  Nor  was  it  possible,  howescr  anxious 
James  was  to  cultivate  peace  with  Spain,  lc»  en- 
force the  same  sympathies  on  his  subjects,  especially 
when  they  learned  how   great  a  prize  there   was  to 

win. 

The  Dutch  fleet  liberated  the  King  of  Ternate, 
one  of  the  Spice  Islands,  from  the  Spaniards,  and 
chastised  the  King  of  Tydor  for  preferring  the 
Spanish  alliance.  They  captured  the  Spanish  fort, 
and  drove  the  Spaniards  out.  They  got  possession  of 
the  ]\Tolu;:cas.  and  of  the  clove  monopoly.  In  1607, 
theState^-(;(Mural  erected  the  Dutch  merchants,  who 
traded  or  buccaneered  in  the  New  World  into  a  West 
India  Company,  with  the  .sole  right  of  trading  with 
the  eastern  coast  nf  America  fr(^m  Newfoundland  to 
the  Straits  of  M.igellan.  with  the  whole  Pacific  coast 
and  Africa  from  the  tropic  of  Cancer  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Mope.  This  was  a  fresh  rent  in  the  Hull  of 
Boro-ia,  and  some  results  came  of  it. 

In  1602.  the  Dutch  founded  the  city  of  Batavia  m 
Java,  reviving  the  ancient  name  of  Holland  in  the 
tropics,  and  selecting  characteristically  a  swamp  for 
the  site  of  their  city.  Batavia  became  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Dutch  ICast  India  C'ompany,  and  is 
the  headquarters  of  the  Dutch  Colonial  Kmpire  to  this 
day.  But  during  the  whole  time  that  the  first  war 
lasted,  the  Dutch  were  extending  and  '.trenj,^thening 
this  armed  trade  of  theirs  in  the  I^a.st,  at  the  e\i)ense 


of  Spaniard  and  Portuguese,  defeating  their  navies, 
storming  their  forts,  and  proving  to  the  Oriental  rulers, 
who  had  hitherto  no  knowledge  of  any  Powers  but 
that  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  that  there  was  one  other 
race  at  least,  which  was  more  than  a  match  for  these 
Europeans,  with  whom  alone  the  native  rulers  had 
been  hitherto  familiar.  It  may  be  well  imagined  that 
the  successes  of  the  Dutch  admirals  in  the  Eastern 
Archipelago,  were  beginning  to  make  even  the  most 
obstinate  among  the  Spanish  ministers  eagerly 
desirous  of  peace,  even    at  the  cost  of  not  a  little 

humiliation. 

Perhaps  as  good  an   illustration  of  Dutch  warfare 
in  the  Indian  seas  as  could  be  given,  is  the  sea-fight 
of  September,    1606.      The   Dutch  admiral,  who  had 
been  for  thrcx}  years  past  cruising  in  these  seas,  and 
had    been    picking    up    spoils    from    trade    and    war, 
determined  to   lay  siege  to  the  Portuguese  town  and 
fort  of  Malacca.     He  had  eleven  small  ships,  fourteen 
hundred  men,  and  a  native  i)rince  for  his  instruments. 
The    last    was    indeed    no    particular    good,    for   his 
soldiers,   though  picturescpie,  were  worthless;   and  it 
was  not  difficult  to  understand  how  easily  Spain  and 
Portugal   were  able    to    give  effect   to   Borgia's    Bull. 
So  when  the   Dutch  admiral   attempted  to  make  use 
(jf  the  Sultan  of  Johore's  soldiers  for  the  purposes  of 
a  sricMitific  siege   he  found  that  they  were  quite  un- 
tru.l^vorthy,  and  th.it  it  would  be  madness  to  expose 
his  own  troops  to  the  pestilence  and  lieat,  which  were 
sure  to  be  more  fc^rmidable  than  the  enemy  was.     He 
gave  up  his  siege  works,  and   simply  blockaded  the 
fort 


l82 


THE  DUTCH  INDIES, 


Now  at  this  time  the  Spanish  Viccro)',  Alphonso 
Do  Castro,  with  a  fleet  of  fourteen  <^reat  galleons,  four 
galleys,  and  sixteen  smaller  vessels,  summoned  the 
Sultan  of  Acheen  to  build  a  fort  for  his  own  subju- 
gation, to  give  up  all  the  Netherlanders  in  his 
dominions,  and  to  pay  tribute  to  Philip  III.  The 
Sultan,  who  knew  now  what  sort  of  trust  could  be 
reposed  in  the  Netherlanders,  refused  to  obey,  and 
when  force  was  used,  met  it  successfully,  for  he 
repelled  the  Spanianls,  inflicting  considerable  loss  on 
them.  Informed  of  the  dancrer  in  which  Malacca 
was,  De  Castro  moved  with  all  his  fleet  thither,  and 
encountered  the  Dutch  admiral  Matelieff  on  August 
17th.  The  battle  was  indecisive,  though  the  Si)aniards 
were  in  overwhelming  force.  lUit  De  Castro  con- 
trived to  raise  the  siege  of  Malacca.  A  month  after 
a  small  part  of  the  Spanish  fleet  had  sailed  awa\ ,  and 
Matelieff  persuaded  his  comrades  with  some  difificulty 
to  attack  the  remainder.  He  sailed  back  to  Malacca, 
and  entirely  defeated  the  fleet.  The  rest  fled  into 
the  harbour,  and  there,  in  order  to  save  themselves 
from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch,  the  Spaniards 
set  fire  to  the  remainder  of  their  vessels.  Having 
gained  these  successes  against  overwhelming  odds, 
the  Dutch  admiral  returned  to  Amsterdam,  gave  an 
account  of  his  proceedings  to  the  States-General,  and 
received  their  hearty  commendations. 

Now  the  Court  of  Ikussels,  the  Archdukes  made  by 
the  gift  of  Philip  II.  on  his  death-bed,  the  sovereigns 
of  the  Netherlands,  and  the  paper  lords  of  Holland, 
were  beginning  to  be  weary  of  this  long,  costly 
ruinous  war.     Their  ])ri(.le,  however,  made  them  slow 


IsEGOTlATlONi^   FOR   PEACE. 


183 


to  recognize  the  inevitable.  It  gradually  dawned  upon 
them  that  they  should  certainly  fail,  if  they  strove  as 
they  had  striven  for  forty  years,  to  reduce  the  Dutch 
to  submission,  to  extirpate  their  religion,  and  set  up 
the  Holy  Inquisition  anew  in  the  thriving  cities  of  the 
Republic.  But  there  was  one  thing  to  which  they 
might  cling— the  exclusion  of  the  Dutch  from  India 
and  America.  If  they  could  succeed  in  negotiating  a 
brief  truce,  they  might  impoverish  their  ancient  foes 
by  destroying  their  trade,  and  when  the  truce  was 
over,  might  attack  them  with  renewed  resources.  P^or 
the  p:astern  trade  of  Holland  had  prospered  so  grcatlx' 
that  if  she  could  keep  this  she  might  believe  that  the 
Baltic  trade,  her  earliest  achievement,  might  be  con- 
sidered of  secondary  importance.  Now  the  English 
were  already  becoming  successful  rivals  of  the  Dutch 
in  this  northern  trade,  while  they  lagged  far  behind 
them  in  Iiastern  enterprise. 

The  negotiations  for  peace,  commenced  three  full 
years  before  the  result  was  finally  secured,  con- 
stantly broke  down  when  the  demand  was  made  that 
the  trade  of  Holland  should  be  curtailed,  or  practically 
speaking,  destroyed.  It  might  be  alleged  that  there 
was  no  precedent  for  a  sovereign  treating  with  his 
rebellious  subjects  and  acknowledging  their  inde- 
pendence. Such  a  result  was  at  variance  with  all  the 
principles  and  all  the  practice  of  public  law  in 
Europe.  Again,  that  a  community  should  decide  for 
itself  what  its  own  public  worship  should  be,  and 
what  toleration  it  would  grant  to  other  religions,  with- 
out taking  the  least  into  account  what  the  religion  of 
their  nominal  ruler  was,  was  shocking,  almost  flagi- 


1 84 


THE   DUTCH  IX DIES. 


tious.  At  times  the  Courts  of  Spain  and  Brussels 
seemed  content  to  concede  the  reality,  if  tlie  States- 
General  would  recognize  the  fiction  of  Spain's  supre- 
macy in  Church  and  State. 

But  they  might  yield  ail  this  if  they  could  only 
stop  the  Hollanders  from  trading  in  the  Kasl  and  in 
the  West.  This  was  the  real  pivot  on  which  the  whole 
negotiation  turned.  There  were  men  amonir  the 
Hollanders  who  desired  peace.  Such  was  j^robably 
Barneveldt.  There  were  more  who  would  let  the  war 
go  on  interminably.  Such  was  certainly  Maurice  ; 
such  were  the  vigorous  Dutch  captains  who  traded 
and  pillaged  so  successfully.  But  l^arnevcldt  would 
not  have  accepted  a  ruinous  any  more  than  he  could 
a  reactionary  peace  ;  and  Maurice,  especially  as  all 
Europe  favoured  a  pacification,  and  Holland  ran  the 
risk  of  standing  alone,  could  not  refuse  a  peace  which 
left  his  country  in  the  possession  of  all  that  it  had 
fought  and  suffered  for.  So  the  peace  came,  on  the 
basis  of  recognizing  existing  facts,  and  passing  the 
question  of  the  Dutch  trade  over  in  silence.  Ihe  Re- 
public had  gained  its  ends. 


^iJ 

P 

1^ 

1 

^ 

M 

'1^9«M«UC 

m 

t         W^"    - 

^2 

f^^A^ 

(^^^ 

W^M 

m 

|.<W^ 

teii        m^m^  !^Sf\^iit. 

.«^^^^s 

^^^^r^ 

ii/\ 

R"-^ 

XXI. 


THE   ARC  IIDUKES   AND   THE   WAR. 


But  It  Is  ncccssarv  that  I  should  go  a  little  back  from 
the  reference  to  the  truce  of  1609,  referred  to  in  the 
last  chapter,  and  perhaps  repeat  my  story.  Philip  was 
dead,  and  the  Archdukes  were  Regents  in  l^russels. 
Just  before  Philip's  fatal  illness  he  made  up  his  mind 
to  transfer  the  Netherlands  from  the  Crown  of  Spain 
to  his  daughter  and  his  daughter's  future  husband,  the 
Archduke  Albert.  The  union,  though  formal,  was 
not  believed  by  the  Hollanders  to  be  com[)lete,  for 
when  the  negotiations  for  peace  or  truce  were 
draggincf  aloncf,  the  Dutch  statesmen  insisted  that 
the  King  of  Spain  should  renounce  his  sov^ereignty 
over  Holland  as  the  Archdukes  agreed  to  renounce 
theirs. 

The  Archduke  Albert  was  the  brother  of  the 
German  pjnperor.  He  was  a  Cardinal,  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Toledo,  the  richest  see  in  Spain.  Hence  it 
was  necessary  when  he  was  appointed  Governor  of 
the  obedient  provinces  in    1596,  and  Commander-in- 


86 


THE   ARCHDUKES   AND    THE    WAk. 


chief  a^^ainst  the  revolted  provinces,  that  he  should 
get  permission  from  the  Pope  to  lay  aside  his  clerical 
profession.  He  did  not  indeed  succeed  immediately 
to  Parma,  for  a  brother  of  Albert's,  the  Archduke 
P>nest,  filled  the  place  of  Governor  for  about  a  year, 
and  died,  for  the  Low  Countries  were  during  a  time 
as  deadly  to  governors  as  they  were  to  soldiers.  The 
Cardinal  was  almost  thirty-five  years  of  age  when  he 
was  appointed  to  this  office,  and  he  was  two  )-ears  in 
it  before  Philip  could  make  up  his  mind  to  the 
practical  severance  of  the  provinces  from  the  Spanish 
Crown,  and  to  the  marriage  of  the  Cardinal  w  ith  his 
daughter.  In  the  first  year  of  Albert's  government 
the  luiglish  and  the  Dutch  destroyed  the  Spanish 
fleet  in  the  Hay  of  Cadiz,  and  sacked  the  town. 

Though  the  Archduke  was  not  to  be  compared  for 
an  instant  with  such  men  as  Don  John  and  Parma, 
his  military  career  was  not  unsuccessful.  But  these 
successes,  and  particularly  the  capture  of  Calais  and 
certain  adjacent  forts,  assisted  in  making  the  alliance 
between  P.lizabcth,  Henry  of  France,  and  the  Dutch 
more  intimate  and  sincere.  So  important  did  these 
successes  seem,  that  in  1596  IMiilip  sent  a  second 
armada  with  a  view  to  the  invasion  of  P^ngland, 
eight  years  after  the  first  had  failed.  Like  the 
former,  it  was  destroyed  by  a  tempest.  But  in  1597 
Maurice  won  the  decisive  battle  of  Turnhout,  and  for 
a  time  annihilated  the  Spanish  arm\'.  The  victory 
was  decisive,  not  because  it  finished  the  war,  but 
because  it  proved  to  the  Hollanders  that  they  could 
meet  the  Spaniards  in  battle  with  good  hopes  of 
success. 


BANKRUPTCY   OF  SPAIN. 


187 


But  Philip  had  inflicted  on  the  governor  whom  he 
had  sent  to  the  Low  Countries  a  far  greater  injury 
than  Maurice  and  the  King  of  P>ance  were  able  to 
compass.  On  November  26,  1596,  the  King  of  Spain 
rejiudiated  all  the  debts  which  he  had  contracted,  and 
took  again  into  his  hands  all  those  domains,  revenues, 
and  taxes  which  he  had  pledged  for  the  payment  of 
the  interest  on  his  debts.  The  effect  was  immediate 
and  disastrous.  The  Cardirjal  had  carried  on  the  war 
by  bills  of  exchange,  and  we  are  told  that  in  one  day 
two  and  a  half  millions  of  these  bills  came  back  dis- 
honoured. In  most  of  the  commercial  cities  of 
PLurope  merchants  and  bankers  were  ruined  by  scores. 
PVankfort  and  Genoa  were  impoverished,  and  Ant- 
werp was  despoiled  of  all  that  had  been  left  to  it  by 
frequent  plunderings.  The  Archduke  in  order  to 
keep  any  forces  about  him  was  constrained  to  sell  his 
plate.  The  repudiation  of  Philip's  debts  was  a  turn- 
ing-point in  the  history  of  the  War  of  Independence, 
for  in  the  year  1597  Maurice  contrived  to  win  nine 
fortified  cities  to  the  Republic,  and  to  strengthen  its 
frontier.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Dutch  were 
weakened  by  the  practical  desertion  of  Henry,  who 
was  seeking  to  make  peace  with  Philip,  and  in  the 
end  eflccted  it  by  the  Treaty  of  Vervins,  signed  on 
May  2,  1598.  On  September  13th  of  the  same  year 
Philip  died. 

The  successor  of  Philip  the  Second,  whose  life  was 
a  long  war  against  civil  and  religious  liberty,  was  his 
son  of  the  same  name.  No  two  persons  could  be 
more  different  than  father  and  son.  The  old  king 
insisted  on    transacting  all    the  business  of  the  vast 


1 88 


THE   ARCIIDVKES   ASD    THE    WAR, 


empire  over  which  he  ruled  himself.  Tt  was,  of 
course,  impossible  that  he  could  do  this  well  and 
efficiently,  or  anythini^  speedil)-.  IV.it  lie  worked 
diligently  at  his  prodigious  task,  and  wore  himself 
out  over  it.  Mischievous  and  hateful  as  his  career 
was,  ruinous  as  it  was  to  every  part  of  his  empire 
where  he  could  inaintain  his  authority,  he  believed 
that  what  he  did  was  to  the  glory  nf  God  and  for 
the  ultimate  good  of  man  ;  and  perhaps  no  man  ever 
laboured  for  his  ends  so  thoroughly  and  so  persistently 
as  Philip  the  Second  did.  His  son  ditl  absolutely 
nothiuLT.  He  surrendered  himself  at  once  into  the 
hands  of  his  favourite,  the  Duke  of  Lerma,  and  trans- 
acted no  business  whatever.  He  was  as  orthodox  as 
his  Hither,  and  was  as  unwise  as  he  was  orthodox,  for 
he  achieved  the  final  ruin  of  Spain  l)\-  the  banishment 
of  the  iVIoriscoes.  lUit  he  had  not,  even  for  a  dav,  a 
will  of  his  own.  Now  the  Archdukes  became  i)racti- 
cally  independent  of  the  Spanish  Crown,  and  it 
became  jiossible  for  pe'ace  to  be  contemi)latcd,  though 
owing  to  the  perfidy  of  Henry  of  T^rance,  and  the 
poltroonery  of  James  of  England,  the  result  was  de- 
layed. 

Elizabeth  survived  her  brother-in-law  and  enemy 
four  years  and  a  half  She  never  failed  to  recognize, 
capricious  and  poor  as  she  was — and  I  am  persuaded 
that  much  of  her  caprice  was  due  to  the  straits  she 
was  in  for  money — that  the  defence  of  the  United 
Provinces  was  the  defence  of  England,  and  that  the 
complete  reconquest  of  the  old  inheritance  of  the 
house  of  Hurgundv  would  be  more  than  a  men.K  <  to  her 
kingdom  and  his  people.      Hut  Elizabeth  ua.^  exceed- 


ESGEASD   AT    THIS    TIME   POOR. 


189 


ingly  poor.     England  was  not  then  a  country  which 
manufactured  for  the   world,  as   it   came   to   be  two 
centuries  later,  or  traded  with  the  whole  world  as  it 
did  a   century  and   a   half  after   the    Queen's    death. 
The  kingdom  was   then  relatively  poorer  than  it  had 
been    a    century    before,    when    the    clothweavers   of 
Elanders  depended  absolutely  on   luigland   for  their 
raw  material,  though  the  export  of  wool  was  still  the 
most  important  P:nglish  staple.     It  is  true  that  at  the 
conclusion  of  her  reign  she  granted  a  charter  to  the 
East   India  Company,  nearly  at  the  same  time  that 
the  Dutch  founded   theirs,  by  enrolling  all  the   East 
India   merchants   into  a  corporation.     But  from   the 
beginning  the  capital  of  the  Dutch  company  was  eight 
times  that  of  the  English,  and  the  trade  was  for  many 
a  \u\vj:  dav  twenty  times  as  lucrative.     Historians   in 
modern  times  criticize  Elizabeth's  policy  and  her  acts 
without  inf  rming  themselves  of  the  means  which  she 
had    at  her  disposal.       PLlizabeth    made    every   effort 
which  parsimony  could  aid  to  improve  her  finances. 
Hut  it   was  not    till  nearly  half  a   century   after    her 
death  that   the  charters  which  she  granted  and   the 
enterprise    she    favoured    began   to    be    remunerative 
either  to  the  English  people  or  to  the  royal  treasury. 
Henry  of  Erance,  though   he  had  to  fight  for  his 
throne,  and  to  change  his  religion   in  order  to  secure 
it,  was  acknowledged  at  last  by  his  arch-enemy  Philip, 
and    jxifectly    understood    how    unable     Spain     had 
become  to  harm  him.      He  formulated,  as  one  cannot 
doubt,    the    purpose    which   remained   the   policy  of 
Erance  from  his  day  to  our  own,  the  acquisition  of  all 
Wcbtern  luirope  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Rhine,  and 


190 


THE   ARCHDUKES   AND    THE    WAR. 


with  them  the  appropriation  of  Flanders  and  Holland. 
For  the  possession  of  the  Archduke's  inheritance 
every  great  continental  war  which  France  waged 
was  carried  on.  Belgium  was  the  battlefield  of 
Europe  from  the  War  of  Independence  to  the  fight  at 
Waterloo,  in  pursuance  of  the  leading  French  idea. 
Nor  do  I  doubt  if  the  issue  of  the  war  of  1870  had 
been  different,  that  Belgium  at  least  would  have  fallen 
a  prey  to  the  Second  Empire.  Now  nothing  could 
suit  the  aims  of  the  French  policy  more  than  a  war 
in  the  Low  Countries  which,  by  weakening  every  one, 
made  the  whole  district  an  easier  prey  to  France. 
This  interpretation  of  French  history  could  be  con- 
firmed by  a  thousand  facts. 

After  the  death  of  Philip  the  Second,  and  for  a  few 
years  afterwards,  the  war  languished.  Both  sides 
were  for  a  time  exhausted.  Maurice  of  Orange  with 
difficulty  kept  up  a  small  army,  and  the  Spanish 
forces  chiefly  maintained  themselves  with  the  plunder 
of  the  Duchy  of  Cleves,  contigu(nis  to,  but  no  part  of 
the  ancient  inheritance  of  the  house  of  I^urgundy.  In 
fact,  the  e-xpedition  into  Cleves  was  private  war  levied 
on  part  of  the  German  Empire,  the  feeble  Em- 
peror Rudolph,  being  utterly  incapable  of  defending 
the  province.  All  that  Maurice  could  do  was  to 
defend  the  Dutch  frontier.  It  is  probable  that  at  last 
the  Spanish  Government  saw  that  Dutch  trade  with 
Spain  and  its  dependencies,  however  important  it 
might  be  to  Spain,  was  vital  to  the  United  Provinces, 
and  therefore  began  to  forbid  it  under  heavy  penalties. 
They  could  not  indeed  extinguish  it,  for  the  machi- 
nery of  a  preventive  service  was  as  yet  undiscovered. 


4 


bl'INOLA. 


190 


THE    ARCHDUKES   ASP    THE    WAR. 


with  them  the  appropriation  of  Flamlcrs  and  Holland. 
For  the  possession  of  the  Archduke's  inheritance 
every  great  continental  war  which  France  waged 
was  carried  on.  Heliiiiun  was  the  battlefield  of 
Europe  from  the  War  of  Independence  to  the  fight  at 
Waterloo,  in  pursuance  of  the  leading  French  idea. 
Nor  do  I  doubt  if  the  issue  of  the  war  of  itSjo  had 
been  different,  that  Helgium  at  least  would  have  fallen 
a  prey  to  the  Second  l^mpire.  Now  nothing  could 
suit  the  aims  of  the  French  policy  more  than  a  war 
in  the  Low  Countries  which,  b\' weakening  ever}' one, 
made  the  whole  district  an  easier  l^rey  to  I'rance. 
This  interpretation  of  r'rench  history  could  be  con- 
firmed by  a  thousand  facts. 

After  the  death  of  Philip  the  Second,  and  for  a  few 
years  afterw.nds,  the  war  languished.  Bc>th  sides 
were  for  a  time  exhausted.  Maurice  of  Orange  with 
difficult}'  kept  U[)  a  small  army,  and  the  Spanish 
forces  chi("ll\'  maintained  themselves  with  the  plunder 
of  the  Ducli}  ot  Cleves,  co^tigU()U.^  Im,  but  no  part  of 
the  ancient  inheritance  of  the  house  of  Hur<j:und\'.  In 
fact,  the  expedition  into  Cleves  was  private  war  levied 
on  part  of  the  (ierman  Ijnpire,  the  feeble  Fm- 
peror  Rudolph,  being  utterly  incapable  of  defending 
the  province.  All  that  Maurice  ccnild  do  was  to 
defend  the  Dutch  frontier.  It  is  probable  that  at  last 
the  Spanish  (iovernment  saw  that  iJutch  trade  with 
Spain  and  its  dependencies,  however  important  it 
might  be  to  Si)ain,  was  vital  to  the  United  Provinces, 
and  therefore  began  to  forbid  it  under  heavy  [)enalties. 
They  could  not  indeed  cxtinguisli  it,  for  the  machi- 
nery of  a  preventive  scr\  ler  was  as  yet  undiscovered. 


briNui.-\. 


193 


THE   ARCHDUKES   AXD    THE    W  AR. 


But  they  could  cripple  it,  and  weaken  Dutch  tactics  by 
narrowing  Dutch  commerce. 

During  the  few  years  which  interv^ened  before  the 
final  settlement  of  the  twelve  years'  truce,  >«)inc  mili- 
tary events  of  first-rate  significance  occurred,  and 
another  important  personage  appeared  on  the  scene. 
The  events  are  the  battle  of  Niewpoort,  the  siege  of 
Ostend,  the  foundation  and  exploits  of  the  Universal 
East  India  Compan\-,  and  the  great  naval  battle  of 
Gibraltar  Bay.  The  person  who  appears  on  the  stage 
is  the  Marquis  Spine )la,  who  for  a  time  gave  some 
hopes  that  the  Fort\'  Years'  War  might,  in  a  few  years 
more,  be  concluded  in  accord. nice  with  the  policy 
which  Spain  had  persistently  advocated. 

The  investment  of  Niewpoort  and  the  battle  of  the 
same  name  occiurcd  in  1600.  The  St.ites-Cieiicral  at 
the  urLrent  instance  of  Barneveldt  resolved  on  an  inva- 
sion  of  FlcUiders,  with  the  object  of  weakening  the 
Archdukes,  who  were  now  forced  to  relN'almost  entirely 
on  the  resources  of  the  obeelient  [jro\iiKe^  for  the 
means  of  war,  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  tow  11  of 
Niewpoort  should  be  attacked  and  captured.  Niew- 
poort is  a  town  on  the  sea-coast,  at  about  eight  miles 
west  of  Ostend,  strongl\-  fortified,  and  at  high  w.iter  on 
an  island.  A<  Maurice  and  his  army  marched  through 
\Vest  Flanders,  the  Flemings,  instead  of  welcoming 
him  as  a  deliverer,  looked  upon  his  army  as  doomed 
to  destruction,  and  when  they  did  not  avi)id  his  sol- 
diers by  flight,  plainly  showed  that  the)'  were  recon- 
ciled to  the  despotism  under  wh'ch  the\*  were  living. 
The  march  took  thirteen  days,  and  any  surprise  of 
the  town  was  now  out  of  the  question. 


i 


MUTIMES.      NIEWPOORT. 


193 


The  Archdukes  were  seriously  alarmed,  and  the  late 
Cardinal  bestirred  himself  to  meet  this  emergency. 
He  even  won  over  the  mutineers,  who,  as  was  custom- 
ary when  their  pay  was  in  arrears,  had  seized  on  a 
town,  and  constituted  themselves  an  independent 
army,  living  by  forced  contributions  on  the  surround- 
ing district.  Before  Maurice  had  reached  the  object 
of  his  expedition,  the  Archduke  had  collected  a  con- 
siderable army,  and  set  out  to  meet  him.  Mis  arrival 
was  unexpected,  and  many  of  the  positions  which 
the  Dutch  commander  had  seized  in  order  to  fortify 
and  protect  his  communications  with  Ostend  were  sur- 
prised. Maurice  was  caught  in  a  trap  in  which  it  was 
necessary  that  he  should  be  victorious,  or  his  army  be 
destroyed,  and  the  Republic  probably  ruined.  To  win 
a  battle  he  saw  what  was  best  to  be  done  in  the  emer- 
gency, and  he  took  his  measures  accordingly.  He 
determined  to  send  his  cousin  Truest  with  a  portion 
of  his  force  to  check  the  Archduke  till  such  time  as 
he  could  concentrate  his  own  troops  on  what  he  knew 
would  be  the  field  of  battle,  l^ut  the  troops  under 
lunest  were  seized  with  panic,  and  offered  little  resis- 
tance to  the  Spanish  charge. 

The  delay,  however,  was  considerable  enough,  and 
the  check  was  long  enough  to  (Miable  Maurice  to 
collect  his  troops  from  both  sides  of  the  water.  The 
arm\'  was  in  order  of  battle  when  the  news  came  to 
the  commander  that  his  cousin's  detachment  was 
routed,  and  that  the  Spaniards  were  marching  on 
them.  The  battle  was  fought  on  Sunday,  July  1st, 
on  the  sea-coast  and  sandhills.  After  various 
changes,  in  which  the  battle  seemed  lost  or  won,  a 


\ 


\ 


194 


THE   ARCHDUKES   AXD    THE    WAR, 


final  charjTc  of  the  republican  cavalry  decided  the  da\-, 
and  the  Spanish  forces  fled  in  confusion.  The  Arch- 
duke escaped  with  difficulty,  and  his  army  was  anni- 
hilated. Hut  no  other  result  of  the  victorv  ensued. 
The  Dutch  and  their  allies  had  proved  that  they  could 
make  a  stand  iigainst  the  Spanish  veterans,  and  defeat 
them  in  a  drawn  battle.  They  had  already  proved  to 
be  their  masters  at  sea.  Hut  they  did  not  capture 
Niew^poort  or  Dunkirk,  and  so  clear  the  channel  of  the 
privateers.  There  was,  indeed,  one  result  of  this  cam- 
pali^n.  With  it  be^i^ins  the  feud  between  Maurice  and 
l^arneveldt,  and  in  the  end  the  execution  of  the 
Advocate  in  the  square  of  the  Hinnenhof  at  the 
Hague,  near  twent\'  vears  afterwards. 

The  town  of  Ostend  had  long  been  held  by  the 
Dutch,  and  was  now  the  only  part  of  l^'landers  in  which 
they  had  a  foothold.  They  had  used  it  as  a  con- 
venient place  from  which  to  sally  forth,  and  make 
forays  on  the  obedient  Netherlands,  and  many  a  Flem- 
ish country  squire  was  captured  and  held  to  ransom 
by  the  Ostend  garrison.  At  last  the  Memish  states 
urged  that  it  should  be  besieged  and  that  the  Arch- 
duke should,  as  they  said,  remove  this  thorn  from  the 
Belgic  lion's  foot.  In  order  to  encourage  him  they 
offered  the  governor  300,000  florins  a  month.  Ostend 
was  then  a  fishing  village,  round  which  the  Dutch  had 
raised  the  most  efficient  fortifications  which  the  aire 
could  construct,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  no  k-^  liian 
eighteen  fortresses  had  been  built  near  it  by  the  Arch- 
duke, in  order  to  repress  the  incessant  incursions  from 
the  town.  So  on  July  5,  1601,  the  Archduke  began  a 
siege  which  was  the  most  memorable  and  protracted 
that  modern  warfare  has  ever  heard  of. 


OSTEXD. 


^95 


The  peculiarity  of  the  siege  of  Ostend  was  that  the 
town  was  not  and  could  not  be  blockaded.  The 
Dutch  were  dominant  on  the  water,  destroying  at 
their  pleasure  and  with  little  loss  to  themselves,  the 
huge,  unwieldly  galleons  of  th.eir  Spanish  enemies. 
With  small  vessels  and  far  fewer  men,  the  Hollanders 
disabled  and  sank  fleets  which  were  constantly,  and 
on  the  same  clumsy  lines,  built  with  the  object  of 
subduing  them.  Now  the  harbour  of  Ostend  was 
always  open,  and  it  was  easy  to  send  men  and  pro- 
visions, and  even  building  materials  into  the  town 
throughout  the  whole  siege.  All  that  the  assailants 
could  do  was  to  batter  away  at  the  fortifications,  to 
mine  and  to  blow  up  the  walls,  and,  as  it  were,  to  dig 
awa\'  the  ground  on  which  Ostend  stood.  It  is 
difficult  to  understand  why  the  States-General  held  so 
obstinately  to  the  sandhill  on  which  the  town  stood, 
and  almost  as  difficult  to  understand  why  the  Arch- 
dukes wasted  so  many  lives  and  so  much  money  on 
the  reduction  of  the  town,  for  the  loss  which  the 
obedient  provinces  suffered  from  the  Ostend  fora"-ers 
was  as  nothing  to  the  cost  incurred  for  the  reduction 
of  the  stronghold.  While  the  siege  was  going  on, 
and  all  the  resources  of  the  Spanish  governor  were 
being  lavished  on  the  destruction  of  Ostend,  Maurice 
was  gaining  much  more  than  an  ecjuivalent  in  the 
capture  of  strongholds,  and  particularly  in  the  acqui- 
sition of  Sluys,  a  far  more  important  place  than 
Ostend. 

The  garrison  defending  Ostend,  and  indeed  the  force 
attacking  it,  was  composed  of  all  sorts  of  nationalities. 
Everyone  who  was  interested  in  the  art  of  war,  visited 


196 


THE   AkCllDL  KLS   ASD    THE    WAR. 


durinfj  the  course  of  the  siei^e  the  fortifications  of  the 
town,  or  the  trenches  of  the  besiei^n'ng  army,  and 
<^renerally  took  part  in  the  stru^LjIe  on  one  side  or  the 
other.  In  the  town  at  least  a  fourth  part  of  the 
defenders  were  Kni;hshmen,  whom  the  Ouecn  kept 
reinforcing.  The  garrison  was  commanded  by  .Sir 
Francis  Vere,  one  of  those  mih'tary  adventurers  of 
high  birth,  who  attached  himself  early  to  the  fortunes 
of  the  Dutch  Republic  and  the  service  of  Maurice. 
But  despite  the  efforts  of  the  garrison,  it  was  on  the 
point  of  surrendering  on  the  eve  of  Christinas  Day, 
in  the  first  year  of  the  siege.  J^y  an  ingenious  and  not 
very  honest  device,  Vere  entered  into  negotiations 
with  the  Archduke,  cajoled  him  with  promises,  and 
kept  him  quiet  till  reinforcements  arrived  from  Hol- 
land. The  general  assault  which  was  planned  for 
Christmas  Eve  was  postponed  till  January  7th,  was 
made  then,  and  was  repulsed  with  enormous  loss  to 
the  besiegers.  After  the  failure  of  this  attempt, 
pestilence  destroyed  more  of  the  besiegers  and  of  the 
ijarrison  than  the  sword  did.  The  siejje  continued 
through  the  whole  of  the  }'ear  1602,  without  much 
progress  being  made,  for  many  of  the  Archduke's 
soldiers  mutinied,  seceded  from  the  army,  and  under 
the  name  of  the  Italian  re[)ublic  seized  a  Mcmish 
town,  levied  the  means  of  support  from  the  country 
and  entered  into  communications  with  Maurice.  The 
Archduke  tried  the  remedy  of  excommunication,  but 
with  no  effect. 

Meanwhile  certain  brothers  of  a  wealth)'  house  in 
Genoa,  Gaston,  Frederic,  and,  above  all,  Ambrose 
Spinola,  took  part  in  the  struggle.     The  first  of  these 


SPINOLA   APPEARS, 


197 


had  settled  in  Flanders,  and  had  been  turned  into  a 
Flemish  noble.  The  second  took  to  privateering,  was 
put  into  command  of  a  Spanish  fleet  constructed  on 
the  old  lines,  was  quickly  and  entirely  beaten,  with 
the  loss  of  all  his  ships  but  one,  by  a  couple  of  Dutch 
vessels,  the  whole  force  on  which  did  not  equal  that 
on  one  of  the  eight  galle\'s  which  Spinoia  commanded. 
This  happened  on  October  3,  1602.  lUit  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  on  May  25th  the  Genoese  volunteer  put 
to  sea  with  eight  other  galleys,  was  attacked  by  five 
small  Dutch  vessels,  was  defeated  and  slain.  The 
siege  of  Ostend  was  still  going  on  when  I'lizabcth 
died  on  March  24,  1603,  and  James  Stewart  succeeded. 
For  a  while  the  new  king  seemed  disposed  to  take  up 
the  cause  of  the  United  I  Provinces  more  eagerly  than 
Elizabeth  had. 

In  October,  1603,  the  Marquis  Spinola  was  made 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Archduke's  army.  On 
condition  of  his  obtainincr  this  office  he  had  enfracred 
to  raise  the  fimds  necessary  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
siege  and  the  war  from  the  wealth  of  his  own  family, 
and  from  his  credit  with  the  Genoese  financiers.  He 
had  never  undertaken  military  operations  before,  but 
in  a  short  time  he  showed  that  he  had  natural  abilities 
in  the  art  of  war,  which  made  him  no  unworthy  rival 
of  Maurice.  At  first,  indeed,  great  discontent  was 
expressed  at  the  rash  experiment  of  entrusting  the 
fortunes  of  the  army  to  an  untried  adventurer.  But 
he  soon  won  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  his  troops, 
and  captured  Ostend,  by  the  slow  process  of  entire 
destruction,  on  September  20,  1604.  The  siege  had 
lasted  more  than  three  years  and  three  months,  and 


1 98 


THE  ARCHDUKES  AND    THE    WAR. 


over  a  hundred  thousand  soldiers  had  perished  in  the 
struggle.  Meanwhile  Maurice  had  captured  a  com- 
plete equivalent  for  Ostend  in  the  town  of  Sluys, 
which  had  been  Frederic  Spinola's  headquarters. 


.\-ij 


^r-^ 


AMSIEkDAM. 


XXII. 


THE   UNIVERSAL   EAST   INDIA  COMPANY. 


In  1595,  after  vainly  endeavouring  to  discover  a 
passage  to  India  and  China  by  the  north-east  and 
the  frozen  ocean  of  Siberia,  the  Dutch  essayed  the 
passage  to  India  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and 
shortly  afterwards  that  of  Southern  America  by  Cape 
Horn.  A  century  before,  Alexander  the  Sixth  had 
granted  in  the  fulness  of  his  power  the  whole  of  the 
New  World  to  Spain,  and  the  whole  of  the  Indies  to 
Portugal.  Spain  and  Portugal  were  united  by 
Philip  the  Second,  and  in  theory,  the  Atlantic,  Pacific, 
and  Indian  Oceans,  became  the  private  property  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  from  all  commercial  intercourse 
with  which  all  nations  indiscriminately  were  warned. 
For  a  long  time  the  Dutch  had  limited  their  trade  to 
luirope,  but  as  time  went  on  they  attempted,  at  first 
only  by  private  ventures,  to  give  effect  to  the  informa- 
tion which  Linschoten  had  given  them. 

The  English  queen  had  chartered  the  English 
Company  on  December  31,  1600.  On  March  20,  1602, 
the    States-General    granted  a  charter  with   the  sole 


200      THE    UNIVERSAL  EAST  INDIA    COMPANY, 


right  of  trading  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  the 
Straits  of  iMagcllan.  The  existing  traders  were  invited 
to  associate  themselves  with  the  new  company,  whose 
privileges  were  allowed  to  them  for  twenty-one  years. 
They  had  no  oj)tion.  l\n-  tlic  time  the  capital  was 
enormous,  and  according  t(^  the  policy  of  the  States- 
General,  the  capital  stock  was  distributed  through  the 
several  cities,  for  half  was  to  be  supplied  by  Amster- 
dam, a  fourth  by  Zeland,  and  the  residue  by  four  other 
cities.  The  affairs  of  the  Ct»mpany  were  regulated  by 
a  board  of  seventeen  directors,  and  the  Company  had 
large  powers,  in  the  name  of  the  States-General,  of 
making  war  and  peace,  of  building  forts  and  factories, 
and  of  entering  into  treaties  with  native  powers.  The 
first  two  fleets  sailed  in  \C>o2  and  1603,  on  each  occa- 
sion towards  the  end  of  the  year. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company,  sui)posed  and  with  reason  to  be  the  cause 
of  the  downfall  of  Portuguese  supremacy  in  India  and 
the  Spice  Islands.  Its  career  was  similar  to,  and  only 
less  remarkable  than  that  of  the  institution  chartered 
by  Kli/.abeth  in  1600,  and  reconstructed  in  1708.  It 
founded  an  empire  as  the  English  Company  did,  the 
extent  of  which  fvas  greater  than  that  of  the  country 
in  which  its  chief  office  was.  But  the  Dutch  East 
India  Companv  was  from  the  bcijinninLi  far  more 
under  the  control  of  the  States-General,  and  became 
more  immediately  related  to  the  Dutch  Government, 
than  the  h'.nglish  Company  was  to  the  British  Parlia- 
ment or  Administration.  In  the  end,  though  the 
possessions  of  the  Dutch  company  still  belong  to 
Holland,  their  intimate  relations  were  destructive  to 


OBJECTS  OF   THE   COMPANY. 


201 


the  credit  of  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam,  for  when 
Holland  was  overrun  by  the  I^^rench  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  great  continental  war,  the  treasure  of 
the  Bank  was  gone,  having  been  lent  to  the  P^ast 
India  Company  in  defiance  of  the  l^ank's  charter  and 
the  oaths  of  the  Amsterdam  Council. 

The  object  of  the  Dutch  company  was  first  to 
procure  a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  next  to  keep  up  the 
prices  of  East  India  produce,  i.t\,  the  spices  which 
were  procurable  from 
that  part  of  the  wc^rkl 
onlw  We  cannot,  in 
our  da\',  quite  uiukr- 
staiul  how  eagerly  our 
forefathers  desired  to 
procure  !•' astern  spices. 
Cinnamon,  ginger,  pep- 
per, mace,  nutmegs,  and 
most  especially  cloves, 
were  in  universal  de- 
mand. Hie  profit  on 
the  trade  was  enormous, 
for  in  the  home  of  their  chfna. 

origin  they  were  cheap  enough.  The}-  were  to  be 
obtained  nowhere  else,  and  some  of  them  were 
found  in  onl)'  a  few  islands.  A  i)ound  of  these  spices 
was  often,  before  the  Cai)e  Passage  was  discovered, 
worth  as  much  as  a  cjuarter  of  wheat,  and  at  feasts, 
a  .seat  near  the  spice  b(.x  was  more  coveted  than  one 
above  the  salt.  I  have  ncjticed  sometimes  that  when 
a  considerable  guest  is  entertained  by  an  Oxford  or 
Cambridge  College,  and  the  college  happens  to  be  out 


202      THE    LWIVERSAL   EAST   INDIA    COMPANY, 

of  spice,  they  are  obliged  to  give  an  enormous  price 
for  such  a  scanty  supply  as  the  local  grocer  could 
furnish  them  with. 

For  a  century  this  trade  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Portuguese.    Then  the  Dutch  dispossessed  the  Portu- 
o-uese,  and  took  effectual  means  for  maintaining  their 
monopoly,  for  they  bribed  the  natives  to  destroy  all 
trees,  except  those  whose  produce  was    sold    to  the 
Dutch  factors,  and  having  thus    limited  the   supply, 
they  fixed  the  price  at  their  own    discretion.      1  he 
policy  was  in  the  end  ruinous,  and   for  two  reasons. 
In  the  first  place,  the  Dutch  r:ast  India  Company  was 
doing  that  to  other  nations,  which  they  re-ented  and 
refused  to  submit  to  when  it  was  the  policy  of  Spain. 
Hence  they  invited,    and  could   hardly  complain  of, 
rivalry  and  even  active  hostility.     The  cjuarrels  of  the 
Plnglish  and  Dutch, continued  for  generations,  were  the 
outcome  of  the  spice  monopoly.    In  the  .second  place, 
trade  did  not  under  these  artificial  restraints,  increase 
as  rapidly  as  capital  did.     Hence  at  a  very  early  date 
the  interest  of  money  was  absurdly  low  in   Holland. 
It  may  be  added  that  in  order  to  defend  this  system 
by  alf   the    means    in    their   power,   the    East    India 
Company  borrowed  largely  from  the  deposits  of  the 
Bank  of  Amsterdam,  and  while  they  were  getting  a 
miserable  rate  of  profit  on  a  restricted  trade,  they  were 
plunging  hopelessly  into  debt  in  order  to  strengthen 

their  policy. 

The  exploits,  however,  by  which  the  Dutch  .secured 
their  early  conquests  were  almost  as  prodigious  and 
against  nearly  as  overpowering  odds  as  the  victories  of 
Cortes  and  Pizarro.    They  were  ev  en  more  remarkable, 


HEEMSKERK   AT  GIBRALTAR, 


203 


r 


because  the  combat  w  as  with  Europeans,  who  were 
furnished  with  the  same  appliances  for  warfare  as  they 
were.  The  difference  lay  in  the  w^ay  in  which  the 
appliances  were  handled.  ¥oy  example,  in  1602,  the 
Portuguese  admiral  with  more  than  twenty-five  vessels 
sailed  to  Java,  in  order  to  punish  the  Eastern  potentate 
who  had  allowed  the  Dutch  to  trade  \\'X\  him.  There 
chanced  to  be  a  Dutch  captain  with  five  small  trading 
vcs.sels,  the  united  crews  of  which  did  not  equal  those 
on  board  the  Portuguese  flagship.  But  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  attack  and  disperse  the  whole  armada, 
.sinking  .some,  capturing  others,  and  putting  all  to  the 
rout.  In  the  same  year,  Ileemskerk,  who  had  pas.sed 
a  winter  in  Nova  Zembla,  captured  a  Portuguese 
armed  merchantman,  with  only  a  small  ve.s.sel,  and. 
di.stributed  a  booty  of  a  million  florins  among  his 
comrades.  These  instances  might  be  multiplied,  and 
it  is  no  wonder  that  the  United  Provinces  convinced 
the  princes  and  people  of  the  Spice  Islands  that 
Holland  could  protect  them  again.st  the  Spaniards  and 
Portuguese  By  1605,  the  Dutch  had  succeeded  in 
exi)elling  their  enemies  from  the  district  which  they 
coveted.  It  is  no  marvel  that  when  the  negotiations 
for  peace  began,  they  resolutely  refused  to  relinquish 
their  East  India  trade. 

But  the  most  remarkable  naval  battle  during  the 
whole  war  was  that  of  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar  in  1607. 
Partly  to  protect  their  own  commerce,  partly  to  annoy 
that  of  the  enemy,  and  in  some  degree  to  remove  the 
consequence  of  a  mischance  which  had  occurred  the 
year  before,  the  States-General  determined  to  send 
Heem.skerk    with    twenty-six    small    vessels    to    the 


204      THE    UNIVERSAL   EAST  INDIA    COMPANY. 


Spanish  coasts,  with  fj^cncral  instructions.  The  Dutcii 
admiral  soon  discovered  that  there  was  no  immediate 
prospect  of  prizes,  but  an  opportunity-  for  mcasurini^ 
himself  ai^ainst  the  Spanish  war  fleet,  then  in  the  Bay 
of  Gibraltar,  and  on  the  look-out  for  Dutch  traders  in 
the  Levant.  Fieemskerk  determined  to  attack  the 
Spaniards  in  their  own  waters.  The  battle  was  joined 
on  April  25th.  The  Spanish  commander  had  fou^i^ht 
with  eminent  success  at  Lepanto,  nearly  thirty-si.x 
years  before. 

When  the  Dutch  vessels  sailed  into  the  bay,  the 
Spanish  admiral  inquired  of  a  Dutch  prisoner,  whom 
he  had  on  board,  what  those  vessels  were,  and  was 
much  amused  when  he  was  informed  that  thc>  were 
certainly  Dutch,  and  that  they  were  cominj^  to  offer 
battle.  The  battle  soon  commenced  and  was  soon  over, 
l^oth  the  admirals  were  slain,  but  the  Spanish  fleet 
was  totally  destroyed,  the  crews,  and  the  soldiers  put 
to  the  sword,  and  Spain  was  pretty  well  convinced 
that  the  war,  which  had  now  lasted  for  over  forty 
years,  would  not  be  crowned  by  any  final  victory  of 
hers.  V^ictoric^,  ><>  complete  and  crushiuL;  as  these, 
made  the  reconquest  of  the  Spice  Islands,  and  the 
forcible  extinction  of  the  Dutch  l^ast  India  Company, 
and  the  restoration  of  Spanish  influence  in  the  Indian 
seas,  more  than  e\er  a  remote  contin«iencv.  Holland 
swarmed  with  men  of  the  stamp  of  Ileemskerk,  and 
when  one  of  these  sea  kings  met  his  death,  there  were 
dozens  to  take  his  room.  Eagerl}'  as  the  Spaniard 
might  desire  to  recover  the  lunpire  of  the  Indies,  the 
claim  was  an  im[)ossible  dream.  Besides  the  resources 
of  Spinola  began  to  fail.  Nothing  but  victory  could 
avert  bankruptcy,  and  the  victory  did  not  come. 


THE   DANGER   OF  MONOPOLY. 


205 


The  real  danger  to  Holland  was  from  that  Power 
whose  future  had  not  }'et  been  discovered,  which  had 
hitherto  done  great  services  to  the  Republic,  which 
already,  as  the  United  Provinces  were  approaching 
within  measurable  distance  of  their  independence,  was 
cooling  towards  them  and  was  rapid!}' developing  that 
bitter  trade  animosity  which  made  the  two  great 
mercantile  countries  open  or  secret  enemies  for  a 
century.  Kor  in  the  nature  of  things  could  such 
enmities  be  obviated.  The  Um'ted  Provinces  and 
England  deliberately  ado|)ted  monopc^ly  as  their  prin- 
ciple. At  first,  and  for  a  long  time,  it  was  difficult  to 
discover  any  other  lorm  of  trade  Private  enterprise 
could  not  satisf)'  the  conditions  on  which  alone  these 
mercantile  relations  could  be  successfully  attempted. 
Only  wealthy  joint-stock  com[)anies  could  ecjuip 
armed  merchantmen,  build  forts  and  factories,  and 
sustain  by  arms  the  settlements  which  the}' had  made. 
To  allow  intruders,  after  such  outlay  was  incurred, 
might  be  chivalrous,  but  was  not,  according  to  the 
ideas  of  the  time,  at  all  business-like.  But  in  the  end, 
settlements  of  this  kind  for  mere  business  purposes 
are  never  successful.  The  Dutch  l^ast  India  Company 
became  like  the  luiglish  compaii}',  an  emi)ire,  with 
concjuests,  with  reveiuus  derived  from  taxes,  with  the 
meclianism  of  government,  with  rulers  and  subjects. 


XXIH. 


THE  TRUCE. 


i 


After  the  death  of  I^lizabcth  and  the  accession  of 
James,  the  English  king  held  out  hopes  and  then  made 
large  promises  to  the  Dutch  that  he  would  join  with 
them  and  the  French  king  in  freeing  the  Netherlands 
and  in  effectuiiily  ruining  the  house  of  Austria.  lUit 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  James,  who,  except  in  his 
persistent  admiration  of  his  own  abilities,  was  the 
most  fickle  person  who  ever  reigned,  ever  seriously 
intended  wliat  he  promised.  N  :)r,  had  he  carried  out 
his  pledges,  would  he  have  prevented  what  some  per- 
sons at  that  time  foresaw,  that  to  free  uic  Netherlands 
from  Spain  would  be  (unless  the  treaty  of  Ghent, 
devised  and,  to  a  great  extent,  carried  into  effect  by 
William  the  Silent,  were  carried  into  effect),  that  the 
Spanish  provinces  of  Flanders  would  be  occupied  by 
France.  There  was  nothing  which  Henry  the  Fourth 
of  France  more  ardently  desired  than  the  acquisition 
of  the  whole  of  the  Netherlands,  from  the  French  to 
the  German  border.  For  this  he  intrigued  before  and 
after  the  truce,  and  unquestionably  had  the  life  of  this 


I 


ll^AACE   AhD    THE   NETHERLANDS. 


207 


king  been  prolonged  Holland  would  have  finished  a 
war  with  S[)ain,  only  to  begin  another  with  France. 
The  dream  of  Henry  in  1605,  was  nearly  realized  by 
his  grandson  in  1672.  Up  to  our  own  times,  French 
governments  have  inherited  and  striven  to  give  effect 
to  tlie  policy  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  nearly  every 
great  European  war  has  found  that  the  conquest  or 
the  defence  of  the  Low  Countries  was  the  real  object  of 
the  combat.  It  was  so  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  It 
was  so  during  the  incessant  struggle  of  Louis  the 
Fourteenth's  wars,  down  to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in 
17 1 2.  In  1793  war  was  waged  again  with  tlie  same 
object  ;  and  in  iSi  5,  the  battle  of  Waterloo  settled  tlie 
question  for  a  time.  The  interference  of  I'rance  in  the 
affairs  of  Belgium  in  kSjo  had  the  same  ultimate 
object,  and  had  the  war  of  1870  been  followed  by 
French  victories  it  is  certain,  in  my  opinion,  that  the 
frontier  of  France  would  have  been  extended  to  the 
farthest  mouth  of  the  Rhine,  as  vv  ell  as  to  the  upper 
and  middle  stream. 

James  soon  got  tired  of  the  promises  which  he 
made,  promises  which  he  never  intended  to  keep,  and 
could  not  have  kept  if  he  would.  He  proclaimed  him- 
self a  pacific  monarch,  and  he  set  himself  at  once  to 
make  peace  with  Spain,  which  was  entirely  distaste- 
ful to  his  people,  and  to  carry  out  a  matrimonial 
alliance  between  his  children  and  the  Spanish 
monarchy,  a  project  to  which  he  adhered  during  the 
greater  part  of  his  life,  to  the  infinite  disgust  of  all 
luiglishmen.  h'rom  acts  of  friendship  towards  the 
Spanish  Government  he  soon  proceeded  to  co-opera- 
tion with  them.  He  did  indeed  nominally  remain  in 
alliance    with    the    States,    but    he  virtually    helped 


it  i 


208 


THE    TRUCE. 


I 


the  Spaniards  in  the  last  struirnrles  of  the  war.  He 
was  not  even  deterred  by  the  discovery  of  the  powder 
plot,  which  every  one  at  the  time  believed  to  be  the 
work  of  the  Spanish  Jesuits.  The  attitude  of  James 
towards  Holland  at  the  be</inninix  of  the  seventeenth 
century  led,  in  the  first  instance,  to  that  mali^r- 
nant  bitterness  which  marked  the  relations  of  l^nirlish- 
men  and  Dutchmen  durini^  the  whc)le  of  that  century, 
with  occasional  interruptions,  and  even  for  loni,^  after. 
It  seemed  in  the  summer  of  1606  that  the  conclusion 
of  the  War  of  lndepeii(I(  ikc  was  as  far  off  a^  rvrr. 
There  were  the  same  marches  and  sieires,  the  same 
attempts,  to  all  appearance  likel\'  to  be  successful,  to 
invade  Holland,  ind  toin\ade  Manders;  l)iit  in  realit\' 
the  war  was  ox  cr.  I  n  the  first  place,  the  Hut(  h  fleet  was 
crippling  the  nsouice^  ot  Spain  in  the  extremities 
of  her  empire,  for  it  was  by  the  tributes  of  the  Mast 
and  the  West  that  the  war  was  carried  on.  Now  on 
sea  Spaniard  or  Portuguese  was  no  match  for  the 
Hollander.  Besides,  Spinola,  whose  credit  on  the 
Genoese  exchange  had  supplied  most  of  the  fwWiXi^ 
needed  for  the  war,  since  he  undert(X)k  the  command, 
was  unable  to  meet  the  obligations  which  he  had 
created.  There  was  a  panic  and  a  crash  in  (ienoa, 
and  a  number  of  merchants  were  ruined.  Spinola 
could  not  pay  his  mercenaries  ;  the)-  mutinied, 
deserted,  and  the  great  general  who  had  [proved  him- 
self a  competent  rival  of  Maurice  was  rendered  pcnver- 
less  on  a  sudden.  Just  as  the  war  was  coming  to  an 
end,  some  of  those  considerable  persons  who  had  seen 
its  whole  course,  Justus  Lipsius,  Hohenlo,  and  Count 
John  of  Nassau,  the  only  surviving  brother  of  William 
the  Silent,  passed  away. 


COXDITIOXS    OF   SPA IX. 


209 


The  negotiations  for  a  truce  were  first  entrusted  to 
the  hands  of  a  Brussels  tradesman,  and  a  I'ranciscan 
friar  ;  the  foriricr  soon  disappearing,  the  latter  em- 
ployed during  the  whole  negotiations.  The  first 
proposal  was  that  a  truce  often  or  twelve  years  should 
be  concluded,  on  the  comlitic^n  that  Holland  should 
relin(|uish  their  trade  in  the  Indies.  lUit  there  seemed 
to  be  no  authority  by  which  even  a  truce  could  be  finally 
guaranteed.  In  the  interval  an  armistice  for  eight 
months  from  May  4,  1607,  was  agreed  to.  It  would 
have  been  better  for  the  Spaniards  if  the  armistice  had 
been  proposed  a  few  months  earlier;  for  on  April  25th 
of  the  same  year  Heemskerk  totally  destro\ed  the 
Spanish  tleet  in  the  Bay  of  Ciibraltar,  and  rendered  it 
still  more  desirable  that  i)eace  should  be  made  even 
at  some  sacrifice  of  dijjnitv  with  these  formidable 
Hollanders.  But  the  ruler  of  the  King  of  Spain,  the 
Duke  of  Lerma,  was  anxious  to  sacrifice  as  little 
dignity  as  possible. 

It  would  weary  my  readers  to  give  them  even  a 
slight  sketch  of  the  shifty  and  tortuous  process  by 
which  the  truce  was  negotiated,  of  how  the  conferences 
were  broken  off  and  resumed,  till  the  armistice  came 
to  an  end,  and  was  renewed  for  short  periods,  while 
ambassadors  and  Dutch  statesmen  were  squabbling  at 
the  Hague.  For  there  were  three  points  on  which 
Spain  was  obstinate.  It  was  insisted  by  the  ancient 
rulers  of  Holland,  and  for  forty  years  her  baffled 
enemies,  that  the  United  Provinces  should  tolerate  the 
open  exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  that 
they  should  renounce  their  East  India  trade,  and  that 
they  .should  allow  themselves  to  be  described  as  the 


M 


I 


210 


THE    TRUCE, 


subjects  of  Spain.  To  these  three  proposals  they 
gave  a  most  steady  and  rcsohite  refusal,  and  to  this 
refusal  they  adhered.  But  in  this  refusal  they  were 
not  supported  by  the  two  Powers  who  had  hitherto 
been  considered  their  friends — the  Kings  of  luigland 
and  France.  Both  wished  to  get  the  India  trade  into 
their  own  hands,  and  both  knew  very  well  that  Spain 
could  not  retain  it.  Besides,  the  Spanish  Court  was 
trying  to  bribe  both  Henry  and  James  with  the  offer 
of  the  reversion  of  the  Netherlands  as  a  marriage 
portion  with  the  Spanish  infanta,  to  become  a  certainty 
after  the  death  of  the  childless  Archduke.  But  the 
first  thing  to  which  the  Court  of  Spain  yielded  was  the 
acknowledgment  of  independence,  though  even  this 
under  the  condition  that  the  other  two  j^rovisocs 
should  be  accepted.  When  at  last  the  treaty  was 
negotiated  in  1609,  all  mention  of  India  was  dropped, 
and  no  mention  was  made  of  toleration  for  Catholic 
worship.  lUit  a  truce  of  twelve  years  was  substituted 
for  peace.  The  treat)-  was  signed  on  April  9th.  No 
doubt  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  advisers  had  satisfied 
themselves  that  the  acknowledgment  of  indepen- 
dence was  an  empty  form,  that  no  faith  need  be  kept 
with  heretics,  and  would  not  be  kept  as  soon  as  it  was 
possible  or  convenient  to  break  it. 

It  may  seem  strange  to  us,  that  the  Dutch  Republic 
should  have  refused  so  obstinately  to  admit  the 
principle  (^f  religious  liberty  or  even  of  toleration. 
But,  in  the  first  place,  it  was  outrageous  for  this  to  be 
forced  on  them  by  a  foreign  government,  which  had 
already  declared  them  free,  and  was  itself  the  most 
intolerant  government  in  existence.     In  neixotiations 


HOLLAND    WILL    NOT  ENDURE   DICTATION,      211 

between  two  independent  states,  it  is  sheer  impertinence 
for  one  of  the  parties  to  claim  that  the  other  should 
do  that  which  is  a  matter  of  internal  action,  however 
wise  and  good  the  policy  might  be.  If  at  the  time  when 
Great  Britain  and  the  States  of  the  American  Union 
were  negotiating  the  terms  on  which  the  Indepen- 
dence of  the  Union  should  be  recognized,  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain  had  insisted  that  the  treaty 
should  contain  a  clause  by  which  the  United  States 
should  bind  themselves  to  keep  the  ten  command- 
ments, the  other  parties  to  the  treaty  might  have 
justly  resented  even  so  harmless  a  proposal.  For 
there  can  be  no  independence  as  long  as  one  of  the 
contracting  parties  insists  on  a  concession  in  a  matter 
of  domestic  government. 

And  the  question  was  not  so  simple  as  it  seems  to 
us,  who  have  been  familiar  with  toleration,  or,  what  is 
better,  religious  equality.  At  that  time,  as  we  shall 
soon  have  occasion  to  see,  religious  opinion  was  the 
stimulus  to  political  action.  The  immediate  toleration 
of  the  old  creed  would  have  been  the  concession  of 
a  right  that  Dutch  citizens  should  be  allowed  to 
conspire  with  a  foreign  enemy  against  the  indepen- 
dence and  honour  of  the  state,  to  be  in  league  with 
the  enemy  against  whom  the  Dutch  had  done  battle 
for  forty  years,  who  did  not  mean  to  relinquish  in  one 
particular  the  sovereignty  which  he  claimed  over 
them,  and  would  probabl)',  if  his  resources  were  equal 
to  his  designs,  seek  at  the  end  of  the  time  to  sub- 
due them.  "  Was  it  to  be  conceded,"  they  argued,  "  for 
a  moment,  that  we  should  consent  to  foster  political 
enemies,    who   would    always    conspire,  and   if   they 


212 


THE    TRUCE, 


p 


grew  strong  enough,  would  certainly  rebel  against 
the  liberty  which  we  have  spent  so  much  to  achieve. 
If  the  Roman  Catholics,  in  Holland,  suffer  some  loss 
of  religious  freedom,  if  they  are  constrained  to  per- 
form th(Mr  devotions  in  private,  they  may  thank  the 
bad  faith  of  Spain  for  the  disabilities  under  which 
the)'  labour.  If  a  king  or  government  thinks  proper 
to  allege  that  it  will  be  bound  by  no  promises  and  no 
pledges,  it  must  not  wonder  that  another  government 
is  distrustful  of  its  secret  emissaries,  and  watches  them 
suspiciously." 

Besides,  they  might  argue  with  justice,  "a  consider- 
able part  of  the  northern  provinces  of  Holland  is 
inhabited  bv  ,i  Roman  Catholic  population.  1  hese 
persons  have  been  toleratetl  and  treated  kindly.  \Vc 
have  no  In(|uisition  which  is  to  search  them  out  and 
extinguish  their  tenets  in  their  blood.  Under  our 
domestic  regulations  these  persons  give  us  little 
trouble,  though  sometimes  we  have  been  anxious 
about  their  attitude.  lUit  if  we  arc  to  be  told  by  a 
foreign  Power  that  we  are  to  let  these  peo[)le  do  what 
they  choose  in  our  state,  as  well  as  in  churches  set 
apart  for  them,  we  cannot  answer  for  the  consecjuences. 
The  mass  of  our  people  belong  to  the  Reforined 
Church,  and  have  followed  the  model  of  the  great 
saint  and  doctor,  Calvin  of  Geneva.  We  cannot 
answer  for  their  patience  if  they  see  that  the  rites  of 
that  religion  which  has  striven  to  enslave  us  for  forty 
years,  are  to  be  paraded  and  flaunted  in  our  midst. 
However  generously  we  may  be  disposed  towards  the 
Roman  Catholics,  we  are  bound  to  do  our  best  to 
prevent  the  peace  being  broken  among  us.     And  if 


REASONINGS   OF   THE    HOLLANDERS,  213 

under  the  constitution  which  we  have  won  for  them, 
these  persons  prove  quiet  and  peaceful,  it  is  most 
probable  that  we  shall  do,  of  our  own  accord  hereafter, 
what  no  human  power  should  or  shall  force  us  to  do." 

"There  is  yet  something  else  to  be  said.  We  may 
be  able  to  trust  Dutchmen,  however  we  may  think 
that  they  err  in  matters  of  religious  belief.  They  are 
our  own  people,  and  will  not  lightly  commit  treason 
against  us.  Hut  the  case  is  wholly  different  with  the 
Jesuits  and  iM'iars.  Yield  to  the  King  of  Spain  and 
the  Archdukes  on  this  point,  and  our  country  will 
be  at  once  infested  with  these  vermin,  the  common 
enemies  of  mankind,  with  whom  honest  men  can 
no  more  have  truce  than  with  a  wolf.  We  will  have 
nothing  to  do  with  them.  We  have  good  reason  to 
believe  that  they  are  false  even  to  those  who  permit  or 
protect  them.  To  us,  who  openly  declare  our  distrust 
or  detestation  of  them,  they  are  entirely  inadmissible." 

Dutchmen  who  were  familiar  with  matters  of  public 
business  and  the  state  of  the  country  reasoned  in 
this  fashion,  and  were  soon  able  to  illustrate  their 
reasonings  by  the  example  which  the  dagger  of 
Ravaillac  supplied.  There  was  only  one  thing  which 
Henry  of  France  and  James  of  luigland  refused  them. 
This  was  the  foi  mal  recognition  of  their  independence. 
All  they  could  do  was  to  guarantee  them  the  truce. 
lUit  the  foolish  King  of  luigland  and  the  shrewd 
King  of  France  were  both  gaping  after  the  prize 
which  Spain  was  dangling  before  their  eyes,  a  royal 
marriage  with  the  dower  of  the  Low  Countries.  They 
were  destined  to  be  gulled.  But  I  am  pretty  sure 
that  if  Henry  had  lived  he  would  have  anticipated  the 
policy  of  his  grandson. 


214 


THE   TRUCE. 


When  the  peace  or  truce  was  signed,  the  King  of 
Spain  sent  a  message,  hoping  that  the  Dutch  would 
treat  their  Cath(jlic  fellow  subjects  with  kindness,  and 
the  French  king's  ambassador  pleaded  forcibly  on  the 
same  side  in  forcible  language.  Hut  of  these  person- 
ages, one  had  striven  to  exterminate  by  torture  and 
fire  every  opinion  which  differed  from  his  own,  the 
other  had  been  in  the  counsels  of  that  party  which 
had  striven  not  only  to  keep  the  King  of  France  from 
his  hereditary  rights,  but  had  been  privy  to  St. 
Bartholomew,  and  deep  in  the  counsels  of  the  League, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  exterminate  the  Huguenots. 
The  devil  was  preaching  righteousness,  a  gang  of 
inquisitors,  charity  and  forbearance.  On  the  other 
hand,  James  of  England  was  earnest  in  advocating 
the  exclusion  of  all  popish  opinion.  He  had  no  love 
for  Jesuits  and  priests,  however  much  he  might  wish 
to  ally  himself  with  the  prince  who  made  his  court 
their  headquarters.  He  was  still  sniffing  at  the 
gunpowder  which  they  put  into  St.  Stephen's  crypt. 
Before  long  he  was  to  take  part  in  the  Gomarist  and( 
J Arminian  controvers)',  to  endorse  the  exlrcmc^l  vievvsj 
of  predestination,  and  before  his  reign  was  ended,  to 
drive  the  professors  of  this  creed  over  the  .Atlantic  to 
New  England.. 


XXIV. 


THE   IJAXK   OF   AMSTERDAM. 


V 


During  the  century  which  intervened  between  the 
truce  of  1609  and  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  Dutch 
occupied  the  most  conspicuous  place  in  Europe. 
They  were  courted  by  rival  powers,  and  during  the 
devastating  wars  of  the  seventeenth  century,  were  for 
a  long  time,  the  centre  of  European  commerce  and 
F^uropean  finance.  Their  principal  city,  Amsterdam, 
was  deemed  to  be  the  largest  and  by  far  the  most 
opulent  in  lun'ope,  far  surpassing  those  splendid  cities 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  Florence,  Genoa,  and  Venice. 
The  business  of  Europe  was  transacted  on  the 
Amsterdam  l*Lxchange,  and  the  warehouses  of  this 
town,  built  on  piles  driven  into  the  swampy  soil,  were 
stored  with  the  products  of  the  world.  In  their  cities 
the  Dutch  were  carrying  on  those  manufactures  of  the 
finest  fabrics  for  which  Flanders  and  Italy  had  once 
been  famous,  and  piling  up  the  spices  of  the  Indies, 
of  which  for  a  time  they  possessed  the  monopoly. 
The  wealth  and  the  trade  of  the  Dutch  r:ast  India 
Company  was  more  fruitful  than  the  treasures  which 


AGRICULTURE. 


217 


) 


15 


^ 
X 


J 
■J 


\ 


the  kinj^s  of  Spain  had  extorted  from  their  conquests. 
It  was  the  principal  tradini^,  the  principal  manufac- 
turing country  in  the  world. 

It  was  also  the  country  in  which  improved  agri- 
culture was  most  thoroughly  developed.  The  Dutch 
had  not,  indeed,  land  enough  to  grow  grain  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  densely  peopled  republic,  and 
they  had  to  save  and  keep  by  incessant  watchfulness 
much  of  the  soil  of  their  country  from  the  ever- 
present  danger  of  the  sea.  But  as  soon  as  ever  the 
armistice  began,  and  the  people  had  rest  from  war, 
they  began  to  pump  out  the  waters  of  the  Beemster 
Lake,  and  soon  recovered  no  less  than  eighteen 
thousand  acres  of  rich  meadow  land  from  what  had 
been  a  vast  expanse  of  shallow  water.  Their  cattle 
were  the  finest  in  Europe,  and  the  produce  of  their 
dairies  found  a  ready  market  in  foreign  countries. 
On  the  land  which  they  had  conquered  from  the 
foreign  enemy  and  the  sea,  they  laboured  with  the 
diligence  and  the  success  of  market  gardeners.  They 
supj)lied  all  ICurope  with  the  means  of  gratifying  the 
fashion  which  they  set  of  ornamental  and  domestic 
horticulture.  For  a  long  time  they  exported  all  the 
best  garden  produce  to  their  neighbours.  In  course 
of  time  they  extended  the  cultivation  of  winter  roots 
from  the  garden  to  the  field,  and  gradually  taught 
luiropean  nations  how  to  preserve  cattle  in  sound 
condition  through  the  winter,  and  to  banish  scurvy 
and  leprosy  by  the  constant  supply  of  wholesome 
fresh  diet.  The  cultivation  of  the  turnip  and  potato, 
with  other  products  of  the  same  character,  has  rendered 
it  possible  that  three  times  as  many  persons  could 


>. 


wr 


■«^   ■'■ 


z' 


•i 


i 


I 


AdKICi'LTCRE. 


217 


the  kiiiL:;s  of  Spain  hiul  extorted  from  their  coiK^uests. 
It  was  the  principal  tradini;",  the  princi[)al  nianufac- 
turin;^  country  in  the  world. 

Il  \\.i->  also  the  coinUr\'  in  which  improved  ai^ri- 
culture  was  most  thoroiii^hly  developed.  The  Dutch 
liad  not,  intleed,  land  enoUL^h  to  ijrow  i^rain  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  densely  peopled  republic,  and 
ihi  \  had  to  sa\e  and  keep  bv  incessant  watchfulness 
much  {)(  the  soil  of  tiieir  countrv  fn^n  the  ever- 
present  dani^er  of  the  sea.  But  as  soon  as  ever  the 
armistice  beL;an,  and  the  people  had  rest  from  war, 
they  b(  L;.in  to  i)ump  oul  the  waters  of  the  Heemster 
Lake,  and  soon  recovered  no  less  than  eii^hteen 
thousand  acres  of  rich  meatlow  land  from  what  had 
been  a  \  ast  expanse  of  shallow  water.  Their  cattle 
were  the  finest  in  l-.ni()j)e,  and  the  produce  of  their 
dairies  found  a  ready  market  in  foreign  countries. 
( )n  the  land  which  the)'  had  con(juered  from  the 
forei-n  enemy  and  the  sea.  they  laboured  with  the 
diliL;ciKc  and  the  succc>>  of  market  L^artleners.  They 
sup|)lied  all  Europe  with  the  means  of  f^ratifvinj^^  the 
fasjn'on  whicii  the\'  set  of  ornamental  and  domestic 
horlfcnllure.  I'or  a  lonij^  time  the\'  exported  all  the 
be.^l  -arden  produc*  l<»  their  neii^hbours.  In  course 
of  time  they  extended  the  cultivation  of  winter  roots 
from  the  <j^arden  to  the  field,  and  gradually  taught 
luu'opean  nations  how  to  preserve  cattle  in  sound 
condiiii.ii  throUL^h  tlu-  winter,  and  to  banish  scurvy 
and  lepros}'  by  the  constant  supply  of  wholesome 
fresh  diet.  Tiie  cultivation  of  the  turnii)  and  potato, 
w  ith  other  products  <  >f  the  same  character,  has  rendered 
it  possible  that  three   times  as  many  persons  could 


2l8 


THE   BANK   OF  AMSTERDAM, 


live  in  security  on  the  same  area  of  land,  as  were 
maintained  with  great  risks  of  famine  before  these 
capital  discoveries  were  made.  It  is  difficult  for 
us  to  realize  what  were  the  scourges  which  afflicted 
the  world,  before  the  Dutch  found  out  winter  roots, 
and  brought  them  to  comp.irative  excellence.  It  was 
nearly  a  century  before  English  farmers  began 
generally  to  copy  the  Dutch  model.  It  was  more 
than   a  centur}-   before   their  familiar  practices  were 


adopted  in  the  agricultural 
economy  of  other  nations. 
It  is  impossible  to  overrate 
the  benefits  which  Dutch 
enterprise  and  the  spread 
of  Dutch  discoveries  had 
on  the  health  of  the  world. 
When  they  had  carried 
the  cultivation  of  winter 
roots  to  this  pitch  of  ex- 
cellence, as  well  as  taught 
ornamental  gardening,  they 
ijRHK-.K,  AT  AMsTEKPAM.  bctook  thcmselvcs  to  thc 
discovery  and  improvement  of  what  are  called  the 
artificial  grasses,  which,  b)-  supplying  more  abundant 
fodder  to  animals,  and  much  more  as  well  as  more 
nutritious  hay,  again  rendered  it  possible  to  increase 
stock  upon  land.  The  Dutch  discovered  the  use  of 
clover,  red  and  white  saint foin,  lucerne,  and  either 
naturalized  them  or  improved  them.  The  luiglish 
writers  on  husbandry  are  constantly  calling  the 
attention  of  Knijlish  farmers  to  the  marvellous 
progress   which   the    Dutch    were    making    in   these 


REMBRANDT 


I 


2IcS 


Till-:    liAXK   OF   AMSTLKIJAM. 


live  in  sccurit}-  on  the  s;imc  aru.i  u(  land,  as  were 
maintained  with  "Jieat  risks  of  famine  before  these 
capital  discoveries  were  made.  It  is  difficnlt  for 
us  to  reah/e  what  were  the  scourj^es  which  afllicted 
the  world,  before  the  Dutch  found  out  winter  roots, 
and  broui;ht  them  to  comj)arative  excellence.  It  was 
nearly  a  century  before  ICnj^lish  farmers  bei^an 
♦generally  to  cojn-  the  Dutch  model.  It  wa>  more 
than    a  centurs'    before    their   familiar  practices  were 

ad(^l)ted  in  the  atjricultural 
economy  of  other  n.'ition>. 
It  is  impcjssiblc  too\L'rrate 
the  benefits  winch  Dut'h 
enterprise  and  the  spread 
of  Dutch  discoveries  had 
on  the  health  of  the  world. 
When  the\-  had  carried 
the  cultivation  of  winter 
roots  to  this  pitch  of  ex- 
'-W  '^  '^•~  cellence,  as  well  as  taui^ht 

ornamental  !jardenin</,  the  V 
i.iiiM.i,  A I  wi-i  KKhwi.  betook  themselves  to  the 
discovery  and  impro\(  iiient  of  what  are  called  the 
artiticial  .;i.i-->e^.  win-  n,  by  ^-upplxini;  more  abundant 
fodcUr  lo  aiiim.ils,  .md  much  m'»re  as  well  as  more 
nutritious  ha\^  aL;ain  rc-ndereil  it  possible  to  increase 
stock  upon  land.  The  Dutch  tliscovered  the  use  of 
clo\er,  red  and  white  saintfoin,  lucerne,  and  either 
naturalized  them  or  improved  them.  The  l''.nL;lish 
writers  on  husbandr\'  are  constantlv  callin<j  the 
attention  of  MnLjlish  farmers  to  the  marvellous 
proL;res>    which    the     Dutch    were    makini^    in   the.sc 


KKM15KANDT 


220 


THE   BANK   OF  AMSTERDAM. 


directions,  and  commcntinc^  on  the  folly  and  slothful- 
ncss  which  forcbore  to  imitate  them.  The  pt)i)Lilation 
of  Eii<jland  was  more  than  doubled  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  by  adoptinj^  the  agricultural  in- 
ventions of  the  Dutch.  The  extension  of  their 
discoveries  in  the  eighteenth  century  again  doubled 
the  population. 

But  keen  as  the  Dutch  were  after  the  profits  to 
be  obtained  by  trade,  by  manufactures  and  husbandry, 
diligent  as  they  were  in  working  out  any  expedient 
which  might  add  to  the  material  resources  of  their 
country,  and  the  citizens  who  governed  the  re- 
public, they  were  as  distinguished  in  the  pursuits 
of  literature  and  science.  Holland  was  the  printing 
house  of  Europe,  for  I  believe  more  books  were 
issued  by  Dutch  publishers  in  the  seventeenth 
century  than  by  all  the  rest  of  luirope  put  together. 
Holland  supplied  the  world  with  the  most  accom- 
plished jurists,  the  most  painstaking  historians,  the 
most  skilful  physicians,  and  the  most  original  thinkers 
in  science.  There  was  a  prosperous  and  prolific 
school  of  painters  in  Holland,  a  most  skilful  scIkxjI 
of  engravers,  before  a  single  Englishman  had  at- 
tempted either  art.  The  University  of  L(\(Ln  was 
far  more  renowned  in  the  seventeenth  century  than 
Oxford,  Cambridge,  or  Paris  were,  and  students 
from  all  countries  crowded  into  tb.is,  the  youngest  of  the 
great  universities.  Holland  was  the  origin  of  modern 
international  law  and  of  modern  physic.  It  was  the 
country  from  which  the  best  mathematical  instru- 
ments, the  best  astronomical  instruments,  the  best 
nautical  instruments  could  be  procured.     It  discovered 


LEARNING   IN  HOLLAND, 


221 


I 


the  art  of  cutting  and  polishing  diamonds,  and  for 
ccntinies  Amsterdam  possessed  a  monopoly  of  this 
art,  if  indeed  it  has  lost  it  yet.  There  was  no  de- 
partment of  learning  or  skill  in  which  the  Dutch  did 
not  excel.  It  is  said  that  the  genius  of  Milton  did 
not  disdain  to  levy  contributions  on  the  poems  of 
the  Dutch  poet  Vondel,  and  to  adopt  or  imitate  some 
of  his  happiest  verses. 

It  is  necessary  to  state  how  rapid  was  the  progress 
of  the  Dutch  as  soon  as  ever  their  independence  was 
assured.  Hut  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  of  their 
undertakings  was  the  foundation  of  the  Bank  of 
Amsterdam,  the  most  famous,  and  for  nearly  two 
centuries,  the  most  envied  institution  which  Holland 
contained.  In  the  days  when  paper  currencies  were 
unknown,  and  would  not  have  been  trusted  had  they 
been  known,  and  the  most  honest  governments  levied 
considerable  charges  on  the  mintage  of  the  national 
currency,  the  more  widely  the  trade  of  the  country 
extended,  the  fuller  are  great  mercantile  centres  of 
money.  It  was  the  object  of  traders  who  might 
have  to  liquidate  the  balance  of  their  trade  in  money 
to  get  possession  of  such  currencies  as  could  be  paid 
awa\'  with  the  least  loss.  Now  it  is  plain  that  if, 
say,  luiglish  gold  and  silver  were  exported,  the  ex- 
porter would  have  to  pay  the  mint  charges,  for  as 
soon  as  the  money  got  out  of  the  country,  it  would 
be  worth  no  more  than  the  metal  which  it  contained  was 
worth.  Any  one  who  may  happen  to  read  the  books 
which  bill-brokers  and  dealers  used  a  couple  of 
centuries  or  more  ago,  will  be  surprised  to  see  how 
many  coins  in   gold  and  silver,  some  foreign,  some 


222 


THE   BAXK   OF  AMSTERDAM, 


Enc^lish,  still  circulated  in  England,  not  a  few  of 
them  centuries  old,  which  a  bullion  dealer  or 
broker  might  reasonably  expect  to  be  offered  him. 
Now  if  such  a  state  of  things  existed  in  England, 
there  was  sure  to  be  a  similar  set  of  phenomena  in 
Amsterdam,  which  I  have  said  was  the  principal 
exchange  of  the  worUl. 

Far  back  in  the  Middle  Acres,  Venice  had  csta- 
blished  a  bank,  which  should  receive  the  coins  of  all 
nations,  and  give  warrants  to  those  persons  who 
deposited  such  coins,  which  warrants  should  circulate 
from  hand  to  hand,  just  as  bank  notes  do  now. 
Three  centuries  after  the  Bank  of  Venice  was 
founded,  a  similar  institution  was  established  at 
Genoa,  on  a  somewhat  similar  basis.  In  1609,  the 
year  of  the  truce,  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam  was 
founded,  and  before  the  end  of  the  century  was 
known  to  have  metallic  deposits  with  it  to  the 
amount  of  ,<»*  i  «*^o,OC)0,ooo,  a  treasure  more  prodigious 
than  any  European  financier  at  that  time  thought 
could  be  possibly  accumulated.  The  notes  issued 
by  the  Bank  were  supposed  to  be,  and  in  theory  were 
exactly  equal  in  amount  to  the  s[)ccie  or  metallic 
money  deposited  in  the  strong  room  of  the  Bank. 
But  the  notes  of  the  l^ank  always  bore  a  premium, 
due  to  the  conv^enience  of  the  absolutely  guarded 
security  which  the  holder  of  the  note  possessed. 
Then  the  Bank  charged  a  small  sum  on  ever}-  ac- 
count which  was  opened  with  it,  a  small  sum  for 
negotiating  bills  and  transferring  balances,  besides 
the  profit  which  they  derived  from  their  own  sub- 
scribed capital  and  their  customers'  money  at  call. 


GOVERNMENT   OF   THE   BAXK. 


223 


The  Bank  was  under  the  management  of  the 
Amsterdam  corporation,  the  chiefs  of  which  examined 
the  treasure  annually  and  made  oath  that  it  was 
of  the  full  amount  at  which  the  managers  of  the  Bank 
affirmed  it  to  be.  It  was  seen  that  the  well-being 
of  this  great  commercial  centre  was  so  much  the 
interest  of  the  Amsterdam  municipality,  that  they 
could  be  more  safely  trusted  with  the  control  of  the 
institution  than  any  State  official  could  be.  When 
nearly  a  century  afterwards,  the  project  of  starting 
a  great  central  l^ank  in  England  was  entertained,  it 
was  thought  for  a  long  time  that  the  system  under 
which  the  l^ank  of  Amsterdam  was  mana^red  should 
be  the  model  of  a  liank  to  be  established  in  London. 
In  the  end,  and  fortunately  so,  other  counsels  pre- 
vailed, for  in  the  seventeenth  century  London  had 
not  been  so  completely  educated  in  the  principles 
of  commercial  honour  as  to  make  the  Amsterdam 
experiment  a  safe  or  convenient  model  for  English 
practice.  It  is  remarkable  that  not  a  few  of  the 
first  directors  of  the  Bank  of  England  were  Flemish 
settlers  in  London,  who,  driven  out  for  their  religion, 
brought  over  with  them  the  intelligence,  sagacity, 
and   integrity  of  Netherland  finance. 

The  reputation  of  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam  re- 
ceived a  remarkable  confirmation  in  1672.  In  this 
year  Louis  XIV.,  having  secured  by  heavy  bribes 
the  complicity  and  assistance  of  Charles  II.  of 
England,  declared  sudden  war  on  the  Dutch.  It 
was  perhaps  the  most  infamous  war  ever  waged, 
the  most  unprovoked,  and  the  most  unexpected.  The 
King  of  France  was  at  this  time  at  the  height  of  his 


224 


THE   BANK  OF  AMSTERDAM. 


power.  The  Kin^r  of  England  had  been  in  what  was 
supposed  to  be  firm  alliance  with  H(^lland,  whose  Stadt- 
holder,  afterwards  William  III.  of  luigland,  was  his 
nephew.  The  administration  of  Holland  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  brothers  De  Witt,  who  were  supi)osed  to 
have  been  wilfuUv  nejjliirent  of  affairs  when  the  war 
broke  out.  The  Dutch  were  panic- struck  at  the 
calamity  which  came  on  them,  and  the  political 
enemies  of  the  De  Witts  goaded  the  populace  on 
into  murderini:  the  two  statesmen,  a  crime  to  which 
it  is  to  be  feared  William  was  privy,  and  by  which  he 
certainly  profited.  Hie  Dutch  saved  themselves  from 
permanent  ruin  by  a  prodigious  self-inflicted  calamity. 
They  cut  the  dykes,  laid  the  country  under  water, 
and  baffled  the  invader.  They  punished  Charles 
or  rather  his  people  for  the  king's  perfidw  Now,  in 
this  crisis  there  was  a  run  on  the  Hank  of  .\mster- 
dam.  lUit  the  city  magistrate  took  the  alarmed 
depositors  into  the  treasury  of  the  Hank,  and  showed 
them  its  store  untouched.  Among  the  pieces  of 
money  which  lay  there  were  masses  of  coin  which 
had  been  scorched  and  half  melted  in  the  great  fire 
which  many  years  before  had  occurred  in  the  Stadt- 
house.  The  panic  wa^^  allayed,  the  merchants  were 
satisfied,  and  the  reputation  of  the  Bank  became 
hiirher  than  ever. 

Rut  when  the  French  overran  Holland  in  the  early 
days  of  the  great  Continental  war.  all  the  treasure 
was  none.  The  irovernment  of  iXmsterdam  had 
lent  it,  despite  the  fundamental  principle  of  the 
Bank,  to  the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  as  was 
rumoured. 


XXV. 

khLIGIOU.S     DISSENSIONS,    AND     THE     MURDER     OF 

liARNEVELDT. 

The  Dutch  had  waged  war  for  forty  years  in  defence 
of  their  political  and  religious  liberties.  They  refused 
to  allow  themselves  to  be  taxed  without  their  own 
consent,  or  to  submit  to  being  persecuted  into  a 
religion  which  they  did  not  choose  to  accept,  l^ut  it 
is  unfortunately  the  case,  that  men  who  suffer  much 
for  their  own  liberty  of  conscience,  constantly  refuse 
to  concede  to  others  what  they  themselves  have  con- 
tended for.  This  was  particularly  the  case  in  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  The  followers 
of  Calvin  hated  and  persecuted  the  followers  of  Luther, 
and  often  more  heartily  and  more  cruelly  than  they 
did  their  old  enemies  of  the  Roman  Church.  The 
Puritans  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  early  days  cf  their 
history,  treated  the  sectaries  among  themselves  as 
harshly  as  they  had  been  treated  before  they  fled 
from  their  persecutors.  1  he  fact  is,  these  people  not 
only  thought  that  they  were  entirely  in  the  right,  but 
they  were  convinced  that  every  one  who  differed  from 


OLl>F.N     HAKNEVELDT. 


RELIGIOUS   DISSENSIONS. 


227 


them  in  doctrine  or  discipline  must  infallibly  be  in 
the  wron^^.  Then  by  a  process  which  they  borrowed 
from  the  laws  which  ref^ulate  civil  life,  they  considered 
that  those  who  dissented  from  or  even  doubted  their 
opinions  were  traitors,  who  must  needs,  in  the  interests 
of  public  duty  and  public  safety,  be  severely  punished. 
So,  in  England,  the  Episcopal  party  persecuted  the 
l^resbyterian  party.  In  time  the  latter  got  the  upper 
hand,  and  persecuted  their  old  foes.  In  due  course, 
the  Kpi.scopalians  again  got  hold  of  the  government 
and  avenged  themselves  on  the  Dissenters.  Now 
Holland  had  to  go  through  fifteen  years  of  this  kind 
of  .shameful  .struggle,  during  which  theological  bitter- 
ness dishonoured  the  Republic. 

The  enemies  of    Holland,  when    they  granted  the 
truce,  counted  upon  the  likelihood  that  political  and 
religious  faction  would   so  tear  to   pieces  the  country 
which   had   fought  so   gallantly  for  victory  that   in   a 
short  time  they  would,  from  sheer  weariness  at  anarchy, 
welcome   back   their  old    lords,   and  they    who   were 
greedy  after  the  inheritance,  or  at  least  wanted  to  ap- 
propriate the  commerce  and  wealth  of  Holland,  were 
not  disinclined  to  foment  these  differences.     For  the 
Kings  of  France  never  lost  sight  of  what  they  hoped 
to  make  prize  of,  and  the  Kings  of  England  were  al- 
ways ready  to  encourage  the  mercantile  clas.ses  in 
England  in  their  envy  and  grudge  at  the  rich  Republic. 
So  they  stirred  up  strife  between  the  house  of  Orange 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  Dutch  Commonwealth,  and  were 
not  above  meddling  in  the  religious  dissensions  which 
now  cropped  up.      James  of  England    had  a  great 
opinion  of  his  theological  learning,  and  entered  with 


t>Ll»KN     i;.\KNF\  I  I  111 


RELIGIOUS   DISSi:\SIOXS, 


227 


thcin  in  doctrine  or  discipline  must  infallibly  be  in 
the  wronir.  Then  b\  a  i')rocess  which  thev  borrowed 
from  the  laws  which  regulate  civil  life,  thev  considered 
that  those  who  dissented  from  or  even  tloiibled  their 
opini(Uis  were  traitors,  who  must  needs,  in  the  interests 
of  public  duty  and  public  safety,  be  severely  punished. 
So,  in  I'Jii^land,  the  l^i)iscopal  parly  persecuted  the 
Presbyterian  part}'.  In  time  the  latter  c^ot  the  upper 
hand,  and  persecuted  their  old  foes.  In  tluc  course, 
the  l^piscopalians  a^ain  ij^ot  hold  of  the  L^overnment 
and  aveuijed  themselves  on  the  Dissenters.  Now 
Ijolland  had  to  c;o  throui;h  fifteen  \'ears  of  this  kind 
of  >hameful  stru«j<'l(\  during  which  the()lo<jical  bitter- 
ness  dislionoiu'ed  tin-  Republic. 

The  enemies  of    iJolland,   when    they  t^ranted  the 
truce,  counted   upt»n   the  likelihood   that  political  and 
reliiiious  faction  would    so  tear  to    ])icccs  the  country 
which   had   fou'dU  so   i/allantlv  for  victc^rv  that   in   a 
short  time  they  would,  from  sheer  weariness  at  anarchy, 
welcome   back    their   old    lords,   and  they    who   were 
iireech'  after  the  inheritance,  or  at  least  wanted  to  ap- 
propriate  the  commerce  arid  wealth  of  Holland,  were 
not  disinclined  to  foment  these  differences.     For  the 
Kiui^s  of  France  never  lost  siL;ht  of  what  they  hoped 
to  make  pri/e  of,  antl  the  Kinj^s  of  FnL;l.md  were  al- 
ways read)'  to  encourage   the  mercantile  classes  in 
I*ln^land  in  their  envy  aiul  i;rudL;eat  the  rich  Republic. 
So  they  stirred  up  strife  between  the  house  of  Orange 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  Dutch  Commonwealth,  and  were 
not  above  meddlinLT  in  the  reliijious  dissensions  which 
now  cropped   up.      James  of   Fny,land    haci  a  i;"re.it 
opinion  of  his  theolo«^ical  learniui^,  and  entered  with 


228 


RELIGIOUS   DISSENSIONS, 


alacrity  Into  a  controversy  in  which  he  was  quite  con- 
vinced that  he  was  superior  to  all  of  his  a<^e. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  Netherlands  was  not 
a  satisfactory  one.  To  use  an  American  expression, 
which  exactly  represents  the  situation,  it  was  one  in 
which  the  doctrine  of  State  rights  was  carrie<]  to  a 
length  which  threatened  to  dissolve  the  union  into 
fragments.  The  several  States  had  each  their  ancient 
charters  and  privileges.  They  had  united  in  order  to 
assure  these  several  rights  by  joint  action.  luen  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy  difficulties  arose,  but  when  peace 
came  the  difficulties  were  multiplied.  In  order  that 
the  central  government,  such  as  it  was,  should  have 
authority,  every  State  must  give  its  assent,  and  in  an 
important  crisis,  one  of  the  little  States  would  be  very 
reluctant  to  give  its  assent ;  and  so  common  action 
was  paralyzed.  Had  the  Dutch  States  done  as  the 
American  States  did  in  the  eai  Iv  davs  of  the  American 
Union,  they  would  never  have  suffered  from  the  con- 
spiracy which  at  last  succeeded  in  changing  the 
republic  into  a  monarchy. 

Now  Maurice  was  a  considerable  soldier  and  no 
contemptible  diplomatist.  Hut  he  was  ambitious  and 
avaricious.  He  would  never  have  refused  the  sove- 
reignty which  had  been  offered  his  father,  and  which, 
as  he  thought,  was  his  hereditary  right,  because  it  had 
been  proffered  to  his  father  and  had  been  declined 
by  him.  He  was  constantly  urged  from  without  to 
assume  a  hereditary  position.  But  he  hesitated  to  do 
this  against  the  will  of  the  States,  and  preferred  to  see 
whether  he  could  not  so  weaken  the  opposition  to 
him,  as  to  insure  him  practically  the  authority  which 


i 


Cd 

c 
< 

X 

h 
< 


i 


2  2H 


RELIGIOUS    DISSEXSIOXS, 


al.'icrity  into  a  controversy  in  which  he  was  (|nitc  con- 
vincL'd  that  he  was  superior  to  all  of  his  aij^e. 

The  Constitution  of  the  Uniu  .  *  \i  thcrlanils  was  not 
a  satisfactory  one.  I'o  use  an  American  expression, 
which  exactly  re[)rcsents  the  situation,  it  was  one  in 
which  the  doctrine  ni'  State  rights  was  carried  to  a 
len^^th  wliich  ihreatn.cil  to  dissolve  the  union  into 
frai^nient^.  The  several  States  h.ul  each  their  ancient 
charters  and  privileges.  They  had  united  in  «»rder  to 
assure  tlu-^e  -^cxc  i.il  iiL;hts  by  ioint  action,  luen  in 
the  faccof  the  ciiLin)-  difficultio  .uu>c,  but  when  peace 
came  the  difficultie  ■.  were  multiplied.  In  order  that 
the  central  government,  such  a^  it  w.i^,  should  have 
autliMiitx  ,  ixcrv  State  must  L:i\«'  il-^  a^^mt,  ;uul  in  an 
imi)oitant  cii^i^,  one  <  if  the  little  ."^t.ites  would  be  \er\' 
reluctant  to  •'"ive  its  i-^^ent  :  and  so  common  action 
was  paralyzed.  Had  the  l)utch  States  done  as  the 
Ameri'  in  States  did  in  the  eail\'  d  i\  s  of  the  American 
Union,  the)'  would  iu\er  ha\e  suffered  trom  the  con- 
spiracv^  which  at  last  succeeded  in  chan<'in!/  the 
republic  into  a  monarchy. 

Now  Maurice  w,i-  .i  considerable  soldier  and  no 
contemptible  diplomatist.  Hut  he  was  ambitious  and 
avaricious.  lie  would  never  ha\r  refused  the  .sove- 
rei!jnt\'  which  had  been  offered  his  father,  and  which, 
as  he  thoUL;ht,  was  his  hereditar\'  i  i.;ht,  Ixrause  it  had 
been  proffered  to  hi^  father  and  had  been  declined 
bv  him.  lie  was  constantK'  uri^ed  from  without  to 
assume  a  herc^litary  position.  Ihit  he  hesitated  to  do 
thi>  .iL.;ani>t  the  will  of  the  St.iU  ■>.  .liul  picU  rred  to  .sec 
whether  he  could  not  so  weaken  the  (>pj)osition  to 
him,  as  to  insure  him  practically  the  authority  which 


a 


c 


u: 


y 

V 
V 


230 


RELIGIOUS  DISSEXSIONS. 


i 


i 


he  coveted.  Now  undoubtedly  the  chief  opponents 
of  Maurice  in  his  theory  of  administration  were 
Barnevcklt,  Grotius,  and,  speaking  <^cnerally,  the  lead- 
ing men  in  the  States-General.  The  strength  of  the 
Orange  party  was  in  the  populace.  The  leader  of  what 
we  may  call  the  aristocratic  party  was  l^arneveldt.  I  le 
had  been  of  infinite  service  to  his  country,  of  infinite 
service  to  Maurice,  for  he  had  protected,  educated,  and 
counselled  him.  But  Maurice  was  embittered  atiainst 
him,  and  was  planning  how  he  might  supersede  and 
destroy  him.  The  death  of  Barneveldt  on  the  scaffold  of 
the  Binncnhof  was  a  judical  murder  of  the  very  worst 
kind,  contrived  and  carried  out  by  Maurice,  against  his 
own  benefactor  and  the  benefactor  of  his  country. 

The  pretext  in  the  first  instance  was  a  religious  feud- 
The  Dutch   had  adopted  the  Calvinist  model  of  the 
Reformed  faith,  and  had  accepted  in  its  crudest  form 
the  doctrine  of  predestination.     But  there  arose  a  re- 
volt against  this  doctrine  in  the  University  of  Leyden  ; 
for  universities  in  the  Old  World  have  always  been  the 
nurseries  of  theological  novelties,  or,  as  the  adherents 
of  the  old  tenets  call  them,  heresies.     Now  in  1602,  a 
certain  Jacob  Armim'us  had  been  recommended  to  one 
of  the  theology  chairs   in  the   University  of  Leyden, 
and  though  at  first  his  admission   was  opposed  by  the 
other   theology  professor,  Gomarus,  the  latter  yielded, 
and  even  advocated  his  admission.     But  in  a  very  short 
time  the  teaching  of  Arminius  again  roused  the  sus- 
picion  of  Gomarus,  and  the  controversy  began,  and 
soon    passed    from    the    university   into    the    parish 
pulpits,  where  it  rapidly  became  embittered,  and  was 
soon  identified  with  political  rancour. 


ARMINIUS  AND   GOMARUS, 


231 


Arminius  died  in  1609,  but  the  tenets  which  he  held, 
or  was  reputed  to  hold,  and  the  school  which  he 
founded,  survived  him.  These  sectaries  got  the  name 
of  Rem(Mistrants,  their  opponents  that  of  contra-Re- 
monstrants  ;  and  the  latter  having  got  the  upper  hand, 
partly  by  the  assistance  which  James  of  England  gave 
them,  and  partly  by  the  activity  of  the  clergy,  who 
stirred  up  the  people  against  the  Remonstrants,  pro- 
ceeded to  persecute  their  opponents,  driving  them  out 
of  the  churches  and  banishing  them  from  the  country. 
But  the  doctrine  spread  ;  the  English  king,  who  urged 
that  the  new  heresy  should  be  extirpated  at  the  stake, 
himself  inclined  to  it  in  the  latter  years  of  his  reign, 
and  the  struir<de  between  the  episcopal  clergy  and  the 
Puritans  in  I'jigland,  which  was  one  of  the  two  causes 
of  the  <n-eat  civil  war,  and  the  Commonwealth  of  i  649, 
was  embittered  by  the  fact  that  the  school  of  Laud  had 
embraced  the  hated  doctrine  of  Arminius.  But  after 
the  Restoration  in  England,  this  school  revived,  and 
finally  developed  into  those  tenets  which  were  called 
Latitudinarian  and  sometimes  Unitarian. 

It  is  always  distasteful  to  an  historian  to  linger  on 
the  floor  of  theological  controversy,  but  in  the  history 
of  the  human  race,  or  of  any  part  of  it,  it  is  impossible 
to  interpret  or  comprehend  the  course  of  events,  unless 
one  takes  into  account  all  those  forces  which  influence 
society.  Now,  froin  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  when  Luther  threw  down  the  gauntlet  to 
Rome,  to  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth,  when  both 
parties,  entirely  exhausted,  agreed  to  a  peace  in  the 
treaty  of  Westphalia,  there  was  not  a  single  public 
question  which  had  not  a  theological  side  to  it.     If 


I 


232 


RELIGIOUS   DISSEN^IUXS. 


men   fought    for   political    freedom,  they  cncourac^cd 
themselves  in  the  struggle  with  reh'gious  motives,  and 
strove  to   sanctify  their  claims   to  secular   rights,  by 
insisting  that  these  rights  were  deri\rtl  from  the  right- 
ful interpretation  of  the  l^ible.      From  the   bcLnnnintr 
the    Reformation     divided    itself    into   two    streams. 
Luther  guided  the  one  from   Saxon\',  Calvin  the  other 
from  Geneva,      l^ut  the  former  in\c>tcd  the  Kin*^  witli 
the  powers  which  he   took  away  from   the    Tope,  and 
the  tenet  of  the  Divine  right  of  kings,  and   with  it  the 
other  right    which   a   king  claimed  of  dictating  what 
the  subject's    religion    should   be,    became    almost    a 
religious  dogma.      Public  liberty  therefore   made  but 
little  progress   in    those  countries   which   adopted  the 
Lutheran    confession,   and    the   tenets    of    AuL^sbup'- 
have   been   embraced   by   only  a  sm.ill,  .iiid   that   the 
northern  section  of  the  Teutonic  race.     Hut  the  other, 
a  different,  and  rai)idl\-  a   hostile  creed,  early  enlisted 
itself  on  the  side  of  political  libert\-  ;iiul  resistance  to 
arbitrary    power.      Calvinism    was    the    ctlxcI   of  the 
French   Huguenots,  of   the  Swiss    Protestants,  of  the 
Dutch  patriots,  of  the  Scottish  people,  of  the  luiglish 
Puritans,  and  of  the  settlers  in  New  ICngland.     These 
races  are    the    pioneers    of    political   liberty.      They 
studied  the  Old  Testament  carefully,  and  foimd  it  very 
invigorating.     And    in   Holland,   believing    that   they 
owed   much,  aye,   everything,   to   predestination,  they 
looked  upon  an\'  who  disputed  this  cardinal  doctrine 
as  leagued  with  the   foes  of  their  libert\',  or   ready  to 
league  with  them.   Xor,as  time  went  on, did  this  convic- 
tion diminish,  for  it  was  soon  seen  that  the  disciples  of 
Arminius  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  absolutism. 


CALVINISM. 


233 


The  municipal  part\' at  Amsterdam  and  other  large 
Dutch  towns,  without  connnitting  themselves  to  the 
new  doctrines,  were  sincerely  desirous  of  peace.  It 
was  certain  to  increase  the  difficulties  of  government 
if,  .Uter  they  had  rest  on  their  borders,  they  should  have 
strife  in  every  town,  almost  in  every  family.  Hence 
the  States  of  Holland  issued  an  ordinance,  under  the 
title  a  ''Resolution  for  the  Peace  of  the  Church,"  which 
was  drawn  up  b\'  Grotius  and  intended  to  strike  a 
balance  between  the  disputants,  and  sought  to  silence 
some  of  the  most  furious  partisans,  and  invited 
Maurice  to  support  the  decision  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment by  his  authority.  Now  Maiuice,  it  is  known, 
had  long  determined  to  make  his  power  larger  and 
more  permanent;  he  saw  that  the  party  which  Parne- 
veldt  led  or  infiucnced  was  the  great  obstacle  to  his 
achieving  his  designs,  and  there  seems  no  doubt  that 
in  1616  he  had  indeed  to  effect  his  success,  by  getting 
rid  of  his  rival.  In  this  year,  by  a  great  stroke  of 
diplomacy,  Barneveldt  induced  the  F^nglish  king,  to 
whom  the  Dutch  were  admitted  to  be  still  in  debt  to 
the  amount  of  ;^6oo,ooo,  to  accept  a  present  paxnient 
of  /"250,ODO,  and  to  surrender  the  three  cautionary 
towns,  Brill,  Mushing,  and  Rammekens,  which  had 
been  held  as  security  for  the  pjiglish  debt  since  the  days 
of  P>lizabeth,  to  the  Dutch  Government.  James  was 
ridiculed  all  over  ICurope  for  his  improvident  bargain, 
and  returned  the  contempt  which  he  encountered  by 
hatred  towards  the  Dutch  statesman. 

The  ne.xt  step  taken  was  the  creation  of  a  small 
body  of  troops  under  the  control  or  in  the  pay  of  the 
municipal    authorities,   who  should   repress    the   out- 


234 


RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS, 


rages  which  these  furious  partisans  were  constaUiy 
committing.  This  gave  Maurice  the  opportunity 
which  he  desired.  He  argued  that  this  measure  of 
precaution  was  a  revolt  against  the  authority  which 
had  been  entrusted  to  him  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Dutch  forces,  and  therefore  responsible  for  the 
peace.  Acting  on  his  own  authority,  and  making  an 
entirely  new  departure  in  what  had  been  the  customary 
and  constitutional  procedure  of  the  States,  he  re- 
modelled the  municipalities,  disbanded  the  guards 
which  the  municipalities  had  elected,  openly  joined 
the  party  of  violence,  and  arrested  Harneveldt,  Grotius, 
and  others.  As  Maurice  had  remodelled  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  States-General,  he  was  able  to  make 
it  appear  that  the  arrest  and  the  trial  of  the  aged 
statesman  w  as  the  act  of  legal  and  constituted  authori- 
ties. Maurice,  after  establishing  his  partisans  in  all 
the  Dutch  towns,  summoned  a  synod  at  Dort,  or 
Dordrecht,  in  order  to  secure  the  countenance  of  re- 
ligion for  the  purposes  which  he  meditated.  The 
synod  had  i8o  sittings,  cost  the  State  a  million 
guilders,  and  set  forth  a  confession  of  Hiith,  which  was 
long  held  by  the  Calvinistic  party  as  of  supreme 
authority. 

Meanwhile,  Harneveldt  was  in  prison,  and  subjected 
to  many  affronts  and  injuries.  The  Court  which  tried 
him  was  an  illegal  one,  and  the  illu<;trious  prisoner 
was  treated  with  the  greatest  unfairnos  b\  his  judges. 
One  of  those  who  was  impeached  with  him  was  so 
terrified  by  the  threat  of  torture,  that  he  committed 
suicide  in  prison. 

Barneveldt  was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  death. 


TRIAL   AND   EXECUTION   OF   BARNEVELDT,      235 

The  charges  against  him  were  frivolous,  had  they 
been  true,  and  were  mostly  false.  But  Maurice  and 
his  associates  were  resolved  on  the  judicial  murder  of 
the  ureat  statesman,  though  they  pretended  that  had 
Barneveldt  acknowledged  his  guilt  they  would  have 
commuted  his  sentence.  He  was  beheaded  in  the 
square  of  the  Binnenhof  at  the  Hague  on  May  13, 
1619.  In  all  the  history  of  political  faction,  sullied  as  it 
has  been  by  a  thousand  crimes,  none  is  more  infamous 
than  the  murder  of  this  great  man.  If  justice  were 
done  to  his  memory,  his  statue  should  be  erected  on 
the  spot  where  he  was  so  shamefully  executed.  Sixty- 
three  years  afterwards,  two  other  great  Dutch  states- 
men were  murdered  by  an  infuriated  rabble,  instigated 
by  the  interests,  perhaps  with  the  connivance,  of  the 
same  family  which,  after  having,  in  the  person  of 
William  the  Silent,  done  so  much  for  Holland,  did,  in 
the  person   of  his  descendants,   ultimately  effect  its 

ruin. 

Barneveldt  was  the  only  victim  of  this  counter 
revolution.  The  frightened  suicide  was  hanged  on 
a  gallows,  and  the  others  who  had  been  condemned 
on  the  charire  for  which  Barneveldt  suffered  were 
finally  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  life.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  Maurice  did  not  like  to  encounter  the  uni- 
versal reprobation  which  all  Europe  would  have  uttered 
had  he  shed  the  blood  of  Grotius,  who  was  not  only 
renowned  for  his  bravery,  but  had  employed  his  pen 
effectively  on  behalf  of  his  country's  commercial 
liberties.  Grrtius  continued  his  literary  labours  in 
prison,  and  after  two  years,  by  means  of  an  ingenious 
stratagem    devised   and   carried    out  by  his  wife,   he 


1 


GROT  I  us. 


237 


GkOTILJS. 


succeeded  in  escipiiiL^,  packed  up  in  a  chest  which  pur- 
ported to  contain  books  on  the  Arminian  side  of  the 
controversy.  Grotius  got  safely  to  Antwerp  and  thence 
to  Paris.  lie  attempted  to  return  to  and  reside  in 
Rotterdam  in  16:;!,  but  the  States  were  implacable 
and  he  left  for  Hamburg,  and  afterwards  went  to 
Sweden.     He  died  in  1645. 


1 


1 

1 


i 


! 


i 


i 


G  Ron  is. 


257 


succccclc'l  in  escaping;,  jKickcd  up  in  a  client  which  pur- 
ported to  contain  books  on  the  Arniinian  side  of  the 
controvers)'.  (iiotius  q;-ot  safelx-  to  Antwerp  and  thence 
to  Paris,  lie  attempted  to  retiun  to  and  reside  in 
Rotterdam  in  i^;i.hut  the  States  were  implacable 
and  he  left  for  llainburL;",  and  afterwards  went  to 
Sweden.      lie  died  in   1645. 


<.l.'  'Ill  b. 


.ill 


S9B^S 

:  jT'^^T^^IPI 

mjBg^^^jM 

^E*    L-fif'^^HBl^^E 

awMW^Ag 

is& 

liB^ld^F13i^B9^BrikJBL? 

^^&a^jA| 

gjFj 

m^^UJ^ 

BKj^^^ 

^^^^^ 

^^ 

^ 

^^m 

P^S 

^^9 

^p 

^ 

^^p 

^?^^tl^^^B9C 

XXVI 

THE  TIIIKTV    VKAks'   WAR,    AXh    rill-:    kllXEWAL 

OF    HOSTILITIES. 


The  twelve  years'  truce  expired  in  Auic^ust,  162 1, 
and  hostilities  recommenced.  There  was,  however, 
another  war  of  far  greater  significance  going  on,  to 
which  the  Dutch  war  was  only  an  episode.  No  war 
ever  vvaired  had  more  lastinij  results  than  the  so  called 
Thirty  Years'  War,  which  began  with  the  revolt  of 
Bohemia,  and  was  concluded  by  what  is  variously 
called  the  Treaty  of  \Vesti)halia  and  the  Teacc  of 
Munster.  The  Treaty  of  Westphalia  was  held  to 
have  established  the  balance  of  {)(*\ver  in  lunope,  and 
was  always  appealed  to  afterwanls  when  war  took 
place  and  disputes  were  settled. 

Wars,  as  the  Cjreck  philosopher  said,  arc  set  in 
motion  by  trivial  causes,  but  owe  their  existence  to 
great  causes.  The  trivial  causes  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
War  were  the  succession  to  the  duchies  of  Cleves  and 
Juliers,  and  the  revolt  of  Bohemia  from  the  Austrian 
succession.  The  real  or  great  causes  were,  the  hos- 
tility of  Catholic  and  Protestant,  the  determination  of 


BEGINNING   OF    THE  'WAR, 


239 


the  Emperor  to  make  himself  the  real  master  of  Ger- 
manv,  and  the  determination  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment  so  to  weaken  the  German  Empire  that  Flanders 
and  the  frontier  of  the  Rhine  might  eventually  fall 
into  its  hands.  This  has  been  the  policy  of  France 
for  centuries,  and  it  was  its  policy  in  1870.  In  16 10 
just  before  he  was  assassinated,  Henry  IV^  of  France 
had  resolved  to  humiliate  the  house  of  Austria.  His 
son's  minister  never  forgot  that  object. 

The  mad  Duke  of  Cleves  and  Juliers,  a  district 
situated  on  the  border  of  Holland,  died  in  1609,  and 
the  succession  fell  to  two  of  his  nieces,  the  Countesses 
of  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg.  The  Dutch  interfered 
to  prevent  the  duchies  from  being  confiscated  by  the 
Emperor,  and  put  the  two  countesses  in  possession  as 
tenants  in  common.  But  from  interested  motives  the 
latter  of  these  in  161 4  became  a  Roman  Catholic,  and 
hoped  to  enlist  the  Em[)eror  and  the  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
who  afterwards  got  possession  of  the  Palatinate  on  her 
side.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Evangelical  Union  and 
the  Catholic  League  came  to  blows  over  the  election 
of  the  head  of  the  former  association  to  the  crown  of 
l^ohcmia,  on  the  death  gf  the  Emperor  Matthias.  It 
was  the  old  story,  the  determination  of  the  Catholics 
to  root  out  the  Protestants,  and  of  the  Protestants  to 
defend  themselves. 

The  Dutch  were  unwilling  to  break  the  truce,  and 
the  Lutheran  princes  were  indisposed  to  assist  the 
Elector  Palatine.  But  the  Catholic  princes  were  active 
enough.  The  PLlector  was  stripped  of  his  hereditary 
dominions,  and  very  speedily,  at  the  battle  of  the 
White  Mountain,  was  constrained  to  relinquish  Bo- 


240 


THE   THIRTY    YEAKS'    WAR. 


hernia.  But  I  am  only  indirectly  conccriK\l  w  ith  the 
horrible  Thirty  Years'  War,  which  was  continued  for 
interested  motives,  and  threw  Germany  back  for  two 
centuries.  In  loji,  the  twelve  years'  truce  beini^  ex- 
pired, the  Kini;  of  Spain  anel  the  Archikikcs  offered  to 
renew  it,  on  tiie  condition  that  the  States  would 
acknowledge  their  ancient  sovereii^ms,  one  of  whom, 
the  Archduke  Albert,  died  this  year.  i:ven  if  the 
States  had  been  inclined  to  nei;otiate,  the  will  of 
Maurice  was  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  war  was  re- 
newed. The  Dutch,  it  is  true,  were  now  entirely 
insulated.  Jamc<  <'f  hji^land  wa-  makinL,^  overtures 
to  Spain,  and  bein-  c.ijoled.  JMancu,  who  had  wished 
to  save  liarneveldt,  was  unhiendly  in  consecjuence  of 
the  manner  in  which  her  intercession  had  been  treated. 
The  Dutch  party  which  w:'s  opposed  to  Maurice  was 
exasperated,  and  tiie  <^aeat  ctnmsellor  was  no  more 
there  to  advise  his  country  in  its  emer«.,^encies.  The 
safety  of  Holland  lay  in  the  fact  that  tiie  wars  of 
reli<non  were  beinj  wa'c  1  on  a  wider  and  more  distant 
field,  for  a  lari,^er  stake,  and  with  larL;er  armies  Not 
content  with  murderin;j:  Harneveldt,  Maurice  took  care 
to  ruin  his  family,  l^ut  at  last,  and  just  before  his 
death  in  1625,  Maurice,  in  the  bitturno- of  disappoint- 
ment, said,  "As  lon*^  as  the  old  rascal  wi^  a!i\e,  we 
had  counsels  and  money  ;  now  we  can  find  neither  one 
nor  the  other."  Maurice  had  irreconcilably  injured 
those  who  alone  could  sui)pl\-  him  with  both.  The 
memory  of  Harneveldt  was  aveni^ed,  even  thou<;h  his 
reputation  has  not  been  rehabilitated. 

Frederic  Henry,  half-brother   of   Maurice,   was    at 
once    made    Captain    and    xXdmiral-General    of    the 


IREDERIC   HE.\RY   6TADTH0LDER, 


241 


States,  and  soon  after  Stadtholder.  In  military 
capacity,  Frederic  was  reputed  to  be  his  brother's 
equal,  and  in  all  that  was  required  for  civil  administra- 
tion to  be  his  superior.  The  new  Stadtholder  was 
much  more  disi)osed  to  subordinate  his  ambition  to 
the  constitution  than  his  predecessor  was,  and  apart 
from  the  fact  that  he  rather  inclined  to  the  Arminian 
or  Remonstrant  party,  he  was  not  the  man  who  would 
lend  the  powers  of  government  to  a  theological 
wrangle.  Besides,  in  a  free  constitution,  it  is  a  difficult 
thing  to  perpetuate  a  polemical  war.  Unless  an 
attempt  is  made  to  identify  a  religious  opinion  with  a 
political  one,  as,  for  example,  happened  for  a  century 
and  a  half  in  Scotland,  the  fires  of  controversy  are 
soon  exhausted.  In  Holland  the  two  sects  were 
equally  devoted  to  the  good  of  their  country,  equally 
resolute  in  defending  it  against  the  common  foe, 
equally  resolved  to  maintain  the  liberties  which  they 
had  won  after  a  forty  }'ears'  war.  The  house  of 
Orange,  too,  in  the  person  of  its  existing  head,  was 
counselling  moderation,  and  very  speedily  the  con- 
troversy which  had  threatened  to  tear  Holland  asunder 
was  silenced  by  mutual  consent,  except  in  synods  and 
presbyteries.  In,a  few  years,  Holland  became,  as  far 
as  the  government  was  concerned,  the  most  tolerant 
country  in  the  world,  the  asylum  of  tho^e  whom 
bigotry  hunted  from  their  native  land.  Hence  it 
became  the  favourite  abode  of  those  wealthy  and 
enterprising  Jews,  who  greatly  increased  its  wealth  by 
aiding  its  external  and  internal  commerce. 

The  military  activity  of  Frederic  Henry  was  assisted 
by  the  growing  weakness  of  Spain,  and  by  the  diversion 


FRKI»RRir,    PklNTK   op   ORANGE. 


-*^/ 


GROWTH   OF  DUTCH    TRADE. 


243 


of  the  wars  of  religion  into  a  wider  field.  But  it  was 
especially  on  sea  that  the  Hollanders  were  triumphant. 
In  1628  they  ca])tured  the  entire  silver  fleet  of  the 
Spaniards,  on  the  punctual  arrival  of  which  all  Spanish 
finance  depended,  and  in  the  next  year,  almost  annihi- 
lated the  pirates  of  Dunkirk.  And  though  the  diffe- 
rences between  iMijjland  and  the  States  on  the  one 
hand,  and  France  on  the  other,  led  the  Spanish  party 
to  offer  another  truce,  the  Dutch  were  disinclined  to 
forego  the  advantages  which,  in  their  opinion,  they 
were  obtaining  and  consolidating  by  the  continuance 
of  hostilities,  for  every  year  made  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company  more  powerful,  its  trade  more  lucrative, 
and  its  influence  more  secure. 

It  was  not,  however,  in  the  Eastern  seas  only  that 
the  maritime  power  of  the  Dutch   was  conspicuous. 
They  began  to  attack   Spain    and   Portugal    in    the 
New  World,  and  to  establish  forts  and  factories  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  North  and  South  America,  from  the 
Hudson   to  the   La   Plata   rivers.     The  Dutch  West 
India  Company  was  as    energetic  and   successful  as 
the  East  India,  though  its  trade  was  not  so  important 
and   its    conquests    not    so   durable.     Meanwhile   the 
military  abilities,  the  constitutional   policy,  and   the 
generally    wise    administration     of    the    Stadtholder, 
induced  the  States,  in  a  fit  of  unthinking  gratitude, 
to  make  the  office  which  he  held  hereditary,  for  they 
gave  the  reversion   or  succession  of  his  office  to  his 
son  William,  then  only  five  years  old.     This  was  the 
beginning  of  that  discord   between   the    States  and 
iheir  chief   magistrate,   which,    more    than    anything 
else  caused  the  downfall  of  Holland. 


IKKI'F.Rir,    r}<!\«^K    or   or wr.F. 


GROWTH    OF   DUTCH    TRADE. 


243 


of  the  wars  of  rulii^ion  into  a  wider  field.  Ikit  it  was 
especially  on  sea  thai  the  Hollanders  were  triumphant. 
In  i6j8  they  ca))tured  the  entire  silver  fleet  of  the 
Spaniards,  on  the  punctual  arrival  of  which  all  Spain"sh 
finance  depended,  and  in  the  next  \ear,  almost  annihi- 
lated the  pirates  of  Dunkirk.  And  thoUL;h  the  diffe- 
rences between  luiL;land  and  the  States  on  the  one 
hand,  and  h'rance  on  the  other,  led  the  Spanish  party 
to  olfer  another  truce,  the  Dutch  were  ilisinclined  to 
forego  tile  advantaij^es  which,  in  their  opinion,  they 
were  obtaininir  and  C(jnsolidatini»  bv  the  continuance 
of  hostilities,  for  e\er)'  year  made  the  Dutch  Kast 
India  Compan}-  more  i)owerful,  its  trade  more  lucrative, 
and  its  infiuencc  more  secure. 

It  was  not,  liowever,  in  the  luistcrn  seas  onl\'  that 
the   maritime  power  of  the   Dutch   was  conspicuous. 
They   bei^an   to   attack    Spain    and    Portugal    in    the 
New  World,  and  to  establish  forts  and  factories  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  North  and  South  America,  from  the 
lludson    to   the    La    IMata   ri\ers.     The  Dutch   West 
India  Compau}'   \\a^  as    energetic  and    successful   as 
the  Mast  India,  thoui^h  its  trade  was  not  so  imjiortant 
and    its    conquests    not    so   durable.     ^Meanwhile   the 
nn'litary   abilities,  the   constitutional   polic\',  and   the 
i/eneralK'    wise    achnim'st ration     of    the    Stadtholder, 
induced  the  States,  in  a  fit  ()f  unthinking  gratitude, 
to  make  the  {^^(ka:  which  he  held  hereditary,  for  the)' 
ijave  the  re\ersi(jn   or  succession  of  his  office  to  his 
son  William,  then  onl\'  ^wii  \cars  old.     This  was  the 
beijinniiiLr   of   that   discord   between    the    States   and 
their  chief   magistrate,   which,    more    than    an}thing 
else  caused  the  tlownfall  of  Holland. 


244 


THE    THIRTY    YEARS     WAR. 


The  victories  of  Gustavus  Ach^lphus  materially 
strengthened  the  Dutch,  and  enabled  them  not  only 
to  protect  their  own  frontier,  but  to  enlarge  it  at  the 
expense  of  the  Archduchess,  who  died  in  1633,  when 
the  Netherlands  reverted  to  the  Spanish  monarchy. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  States  entered  into 
still  closer  relations  with  France.  Richuhru,  the 
mim'ster  of  the  French  king,  wished  to  continue  the 
war  with  the  double  object  of  weakening  tlie  house 
of  Austria  in  Germany,  and  after  expelling  the 
Spanish  from  the  Netherlands,  of  securing  a  para- 
mount influence  in  that  [)art  of  the  Low^  Countries. 
Hence,  tliough  reluctantly,  the  States  agreed  to  make 
no  peace  or  truce  except  in  concert  with  I^-ance;  and 
stipulated  for  the  partition  of  the  S[)ani.sh  NciIkt- 
lands  whenever  the  contjuest  was  effected,  unless 
these  provinces  should  achieve  their  own  inde- 
I)endence,  when  the  States  and  I'Vance  were  to  protect 
them.  It  is  probable  that  the  Dutch  foresaw  that 
this  compact,  so  tlangerous  to  them,  would  never  be 
carried  out.  It  is  certain  that  it  rather  hindered 
than     promoted     the    accord     between     France    and 

Holland. 

It  was  in  the  year  1637,  that  the  extraordinary 
mania  for  speculating  in  tulip  roots,  took  possession 
of  the  Dutch.  Millions  of  guilders  were  staked  on 
these  roots,  and  large  fortunes  were  made  and  lost  in 
the  traffic.  It  is,  of  course,  nothing  strange  in  the 
history  of  commerce  that  wild  speculations,  which, 
in  ordinary  times  would  have  hatl  no  chance  of 
existence,  have  overturned  the  reason  and  bewildered 
the  judgment  of  the  most  .sober  traders.    The  luig- 


THE    TULIP  MANIA. 


245 


lish  liad  their  South  Sea  Bubble  ;  the  French  their 
Mississip|)i  Scheme.  Hut  the  curious  thing  in  the 
Dutch  tulip  mania  is  that  it  sprang  out  of  that 
passion  for  horticulture  in  which  the  Dutch  were 
pre-eminent,  antl  from  which  they  conferred  lasting 
benefits  on  civilization,  and  that  it  occurred  at  a  time 
when  Holland  w.is  engaged  in  a  peculiarly  costly  war, 
when  the  countr}'  was  under  the  delusion  that  public 
wealth  could  be  .secured  by  foreign  contjuests,  and 
when,  though  .some  men  grew  rich,  the  general  burden 
of  taxation  was  almost  intolerable.  If  one  searches 
through  histor\',  one  can  never  find  a  sinijle  case  in 
which  public  opulence  can  be  traced  to  foreign  con- 
quest, in  which  the  cost  to  the  public  of  (occupying  and 
maintaining  such  concpicsts  h.is  not  been  greatl)'  in 
excess  of  all  the  profit  wliich  private  interests  have 
secured  from  them.  This  is  clearly  discernible  in 
the  conquests  of  Spain,  France,  and  even  England. 
The  trading  companies  of  the  Dutch  effected  the 
financial  ruin  of  Holland. 

In  1639,  another  Spanish  fleet  was  annihilated  by 
Tromp  in  a  naval  battle  off  the  luiglish  Downs. 
The  place  of  combat  was  off  the  luiglish  coast,  .^nd 
Charles  would  have  resented  it,  if  he  could,  or  if  the 
relations  in  which  he  stood  to  his  people  had  per- 
mitted it.  After  this  victory  the  States  assumed  the 
title  of  1  ligh  Mightinesses,  or  high  and  mighty  lord.s. 
This  ap[)arent  departure  from  Republican  simplicity 
was,  in  the  opinion  of  the  States,  e.s.sential,  in  order 
that  they  might  take  their  proper  place  among 
European  Powers.  Perhaps  in  no  time  has  the 
assumption  or  bestowal  of  pompous  titles  been  more 


t\ 


ADMIRAL    iROMP. 


THE  ENGLISH  ROYAL   FAMILY, 


247 


conspicuous  or  ludicrous  than  at  present,  when  the 
princes  of  half-savage  states  are  decorated  with  the 
titles  of  Majesty.  But  in  the  seventeenth  century 
these  absurd  distinctions  had  a  meaning,  as  the  Dutch 
discerned  at  the  time  when  they  were  negotiating  the 
truce  of  1609. 

In  1 64 1,  the  son  of  the  Stadtholdcr  was  married  to 
the  eldest  daughter  of  Charles  I.,  the  first  occasion 
on  which  any  of  the  house  of  Orange  had  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  reigning  families  of  Europe.  The 
English  king  was  reconciled  to  the  marriage,  because 
he  thought  that  he  would  be  able  to  secure  a  powerful 
ally  against  the  Scotch  malcontents,  who  were  at 
that  time  the  only  open  enemies  of  the  Government. 
This  marriage  was  the  beginning  of  great  misfortunes 
to  the  Dutch,  and  Holland  eventually  suffered  nearly 
as  seriously  by  matrimonial  alliances  with  the 
Stewart  and  Hanoverian  kings,  as  the  old  Nether- 
lands had  by  the  marriages  of  the  houses  of  Burgundy 
and  Austria.  In  the  same  year,  Spain  was  further 
enfeebled  by  the  revolt  of  Portugal,  under  John  of 
Braganza,  and  the  reconciliation  of  Holland  with  the 
rulers  of  that  part  of  the  Empire  of  Philip  II.  Spain 
could  not,  since  Portugal  reclaimed  its  possessions  in 
the  East  Indies,  pretend  to  exclude  Holland  from 
what  was  no  longer,  under  an)'  colour,  theirs. 

It  would  be  tedious  and  unprofitable  to  deal  with 
the  last  events  of  the  lonjj  war  which  came  to  an 
end  with  the  peace  of  Munster.  In  this  peace,  the 
negotiations  of  which  were  exceedingly  protracted, 
owing  to  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  the  claims  of 
conquest    with    the    claims    of    original    authority. 


AhMlK  \i      I  K<»\ir 


THE   LXGLISII   ROYAL   FAMILY. 


247 


conspicuous  or  ludicrous  than  at  present,  when  the 
princes  of  half-savai;e  states  are  decorated  with  the 
titles  of  Majesty.  lUit  in  the  seventeenth  century 
these  absurd  distinctions  had  a  mcanini^,  as  the  Dutch 
discerned  at  the  time  when  tiiey  were  negotiating  the 
truce  of  1609. 

In  K)4i,  the  son  of  the  Stadtholdcr  was  married  to 
the  eldest  dauL;htcr  of  Charles  I.,  the  first  occasion 
on  which  anv  of  the  house  of  ()ran«j;e  had  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  reigning  families  of  ICurope.  The 
ICnglish  king  was  reconciled  to  the  marriage,  because 
he  thought  that  he  would  be  able  to  secure  a  powerful 
all)'  against  the  Scotch  malcontents,  who  were  at 
that  time  the  onl\  o}Kn  enemies  of  the  (jovernment. 
This  marriaiie  was  the  be<jinnin<j;"  of  <j;reat  misfortunes 
to  the  Dutch,  .uul  Holland  eventually  suffered  nearly 
as  seriously  by  matrimonial  alliances  with  the 
Stewart  and  Hanoxcri.m  kings,  as  the  old  Nether- 
lands had  by  the  marriages  of  the  houses  of  Burgundy 
and  Austria.  In  the  same  year,  Spain  was  further 
enfeebled  by  the  revolt  of  Portugcd,  under  John  of 
Braganza,  and  the  reconciliation  of  Holland  with  the 
rulers  of  that  part  of  the  h^mpire  of  Philip  H.  Spain 
could  not,  since  Portugal  reclaimed  its  possessions  in 
the  I'.ast  Indies,  piitrnd  to  exclude  Holland  from 
wh.it  was  no  longc  1,  under  anv  colour,  theirs. 

It  would  be  tedious  ami  unprofitable  to  deal  with 
the  last  events  of  the  louij-  war  which  came  to  an 
end  with  the  peace  of  Minister.  In  this  peace,  the 
negotiations  of  which  were  exceedingl}'  protracted, 
owinir  to  the  difticult\'  of  reconcilin<j  the  claims  of 
conquest    with    the    claims    of    original    authority. 


248 


THE    THIRTY   YEARS*    WAR, 


Holland  oraincd  all  which  it  had  demanded  in  1609. 
The  Spanish  Government  absolutely  relinquished  all 
claims  and  titles,  and  acknowledged  the  complete 
independence  of  the  Dutch.  They  were  allowed  to 
remain  the  lords  of  all  which  they  had  acquired 
during  the  course  of  their  protracted  wars.  The 
Scheldt  was  to  be  closed  by  the  Dutch,  and  Antwerp 
to  be  ruined  as  a  commercial  city.  Peace  was  pro- 
claimed on  June  5,  1648,  the  day  on  which  Horn  and 
Egmont  had  been  executed  eighty  years  before.  The 
Stadtholder  had  died  on  March  14,  1647,  and  his  son 
William  had  succeed  him. 


1 

S^E 

^^ 

M^K^^^^^ 

^IPS 

ji^ 

B^KflB 

^ 

kSS 

ii^M 

^^ 

^1^1 

5^^^*^ 

^m 

5  <jTp^r^ 

5^^^"^^5ii 

iJtLy      •       BCTL    i£3      B^^ 

^ 

K^ 

1  Hi  «« 

^ 

W0  TMv'yVW^  M 

y  j^g^  v>sJik<§P 

^m 

m 

xxvn. 


COLLISIONS    P.ETWEKN    EN(;LAM)   AND    HOLLAND. 


TllK  rivalry  of  t^ic  English  and  Dutch  East  India 
Companies,  and  the  consequent  collision  of  trade 
interests  in  the  two  countries,  was  early  apparent. 
In  order  to  obviate  them,  a  treat)-  was  drawn  up 
between  the  two  countries,  by  which  the  commerce 
of  the  companies  was  to  be  regulated.  But  at  so 
great  a  distance,  and  with  so  slight  a  control  over 
these  powerful  associations  which  the  respective 
governments  of  luigland  and  Holland  had  created, 
conventions  on  paper  were  not  likely  to  be  of  much 
validity.  In  1624  came  the  news  of  what  is  called 
the  massacre  of  Ambovna,  an  event  of  which  the 
most  discordant  accounts  were  iriven  bv  the  rival 
companies.  At  this  time  it  is  impossible  to  extricate 
the  truth  from  the  mists  of  passion  in  which  the 
transaction  is  involved.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that 
the  affair  was  appealed  to  as  a  reason  for  stimulating 
hatred  between  the  two  nations,  a  hatred  which  w^as 
not  only  provoked  by  real  or  fancied  injuries,  but 
constantly    renewed   by  the    unfortunate  position  in 


250   COLLISIONS   BETWEEN  ENGLAND   &  HOLLAND. 

which    Holland    was   placed  by   its    relations  to  the 
Stewarts. 

The  commercial  thcorv  of  the  Dutch,  which  rested 
on  the  principle  of  a  rii^id  monopoly,  which  should 
not  only  secure  a  sole  market  to  Dutch  traders,  but 
should  extinguish  the  possibility  of  procuring  produce 
from  any  place  which  was  not  under  their  control, 
was  certain  to  excite  hostility.  It  was  as  monstrous 
as  the  grant  of  Horgia.  It  pretended  to  a  right  that 
the  demands  of  all  civilized  nations  should  be  in- 
terpreted in  the  light  of  Dutch  profits,  that  supply 
should  be  curtailed  in  order  that  these  profits  shoukl 
be  enhanced,  the  only  limit  to  this  restraint  being  the 
maximum  price  which  their  customers  could  affortl 
to  pay.  Now  the  principal  produce  of  the  ICast,  for 
which  there  was  a  constant  demand,  was  spice  ; 
pepper,  cinnamon,  mace,  nutmegs,  cloves.  These,  in 
the  almost  total  absence  of  veijetables  and  modern 
condiments  were  the  choicest  flavours  which  men 
desired  some  centuries  ago,  and  the  Dutch  tried  to 
appropriate  the  whole  supply.  The  English,  who 
were  at  this  time  almost  the  only  rivals  of  the  Dutch 
in  the  h.ast,  for  the  l^ortuguese  trade  was  well-nigh 
ruined,  determined  that  they  should  not  have  this 
monopoly,  and  during  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  L^ast  India  Company  in  England  had 
been  making  considerable  progress.  The  treaty  of 
1619  was  a  well-meant  endeavour  to  control  these 
tendencies. 

The  attitude  of  the  Dutch  towards  the  Pailiament, 

Cromwell    and    the    army,    was    in    the    last    degree 

f^jpritating.     The  king's  two  sons,  Charles  and  James, 


HOLLAND   FAVOURS    THE   STEWARTS,        25I 

had  escaped  to  Holland,  where,  indeed,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  Henrietta,  on  pretence  of 
bringing  her  daughter  over,  had  been  attempting  to 
obtain  supplies.  At  the  Hague,  Charles,  openly 
countenanced  by  his  brother  in-law,  strove  to  induce 
the  States  to  declare  on  the  royal  side,  and  to  aid  the 
Stewarts  in  those  designs  which  the  War  of  Inde- 
.pendcnce  was  entered  upon  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
feating. It  was  only  when  the  army  proceeded  to  try 
and  to  sentence  the  king  that  the  States  yielded,  and 
then  only  to  the  extent  of  mediation.  But  all  their 
efforts  were  in  vain.  The  Dutch  envois  urged  the 
resentment  of  Europe,  and  Cromwell,  who  knew  very 
well  what  the  resentment  of  Europe  meant,  refused 
to  yield.  In  a  few  years,  the  monarchs  of  lunope 
vied  in  flattering  the  usurper,  who  had  slain  one  of 
their  order.  The  Dutch  States,  however,  did  not 
venture  on  addressing  the  younger  Charles  as  king 
of  Great  Britain,  as  indeed  no  crowned  head  did 
except  the  degenerate  and  licentious  queen  of  Sweden, 
Christina. 

The  annoyance  felt  in  the  English  Parliament  at 
this  interference  and  this  s)mpathy  with  the  exiled 
family  was  intensified  by  the  murder  of  Isaac 
Dorislaus.  Dorislaus  was  the  son  of  a  Dutch  clergy- 
man, and  in  consideration  of  his  learning  had  been 
attached  to  the  teaching  staff  of  Cambridge  University 
or  Gresham  College  He  had  been  parliamentary 
counsel  at  the  king's  trial,  and  most  imprudently  had 
been  sent  as  envoy  extraordinary  to  the  States,  with 
the  object  of  bringing  about  a  close  alliance  between 
the  two  Republics.     The  day  after  his  arrival  he  was 


252   COLLISIONS   BETWEEN  ENGLAND   &  HOLLAND. 


murdered  at  the  Ilac^jueby  some  of  the  Royah'st  exiles, 
who  were  there  in  considerable  numbers,  under  the 
protection  of  the  Stadtholder  and  the  Orange 
party.  The  murderers  escaped  with  the  connivance 
of  the  same  faction.  This  outrage  on  the  law  of 
nations  was  a  greater  offence  even  at  that  time  than 
the  trial  and  execution  of  Charles. 

The  Stadtholder  now  determined,  like  his  uncle 
Maurice,  to  make  himself  absolute.  His  plan  was  to 
foment  dissension  between  the  State  of  Holland  and 
the  other  six  States,  and  his  occasion,  the  determina- 
tion of  the  former  state,  which  bore  the  heaviest  share 
of  the  public  expenditure,  to  reduce  the  arm)-  and 
curtail  official  salaries.  As  this  was  the  diminution 
of  William's  income,  he  was  discontented,  and  the 
mischievous  woman  he  had  married,  true  to  the 
instincts  of  her  race,  urged  him  to  strike  for  more 
power.  He  imprisoned  members  of  the  States- 
General  without  form  of  law,  because  the)-  were,  or  he 
thought  they  were,  unfriendly  to  his  schemes,  and 
then  attempted  to  effect  by  surprise  the  military  occu- 
pation of  Amsterdam,  in  which  he  was  foiled,  for 
the  Amsterdam  burghers,  on  discovering  his  plot, 
threatened  to  cut  the  dvkes.  Fortunately  he  died  at 
the  age  of  twenty-four,  1650,  to  the  infinite  satisfaction 
of  all  but  the  Orange  faction.  Mm  i^^ave  thank  offer- 
ings  in  gratitude  for  his  opportune  death.  His  widow, 
a  few  days  after  his  death,  gave  birth  to  a  son,  after- 
wards William  HI.  of  England. 

In  this  crisis,  when  there  was  no  representative  of 
William  the  Silent  who  could  under  any  pretence  take 
he   lead,    the  fortunes  of  the   Dutch   Republic  were 


t 


WAR    WITH   CROMWELL. 


253 


manap-ed  bv  the  State  of  Holland.  For  a  time  there 
was  to  be  no  Stadtholder,  but  the  supreme  authority 
over  the  civil  and  military  administration  was  to  reside 
in  the  States-General.  In  the  conference  which 
arran<jed  for  a  time  the  form  of  Government,  the 
illcL^al  acts  of  the  late  Stadtholder  were  formally 
condemned,  and  the  persons  whom  he  had  deposed  or 
imprisoned  re-admitted  to  their  offices. 

After  the   constitution    was  settled  came  the  war 
with  the  ICnglish   Parliament,  the  most    mischievous 
and  wanton  war  ever  waged.  The  causes  of  it  are  to  be 
discovered  in  the  insults  or  affronts  put  on  the  English 
envoys  by  the  partisans  of  the  house  of  Orange  and 
the  Royalist  exiles,  with  the  connivance  it  appears  of 
the  Government  itself.     The  action  of  the  mob  at  the 
1  lacrue  was  avenged  by  the  Navigation  Act,  which  in- 
flicted  a  severe  blow  on  Dutch  shipping,  the  Dutch  at 
this  time  being  the  carriers  of  Europe.     But  it  seems 
that    war  might  have  been  averted,  and  an  alliance 
between  the  two  Republics  might  have  been  effected, 
could  the  Dutch  have  been  able,  perhaps  had  they 
been  willing,  to  enforce  the  banishment  of  the  English 
exiles,  and  particularly  the  royal  exiles,  from  Holland. 
As  it  was,  the  mere  proposal  to  ally  themselves  in  any 
way  with  the  English  Parliament  was  wholly  distaste- 
ful to  the  Orange  party.    Their  partisans  insulted  the 
English  ambassadors,  and  made  them,  with  the  party 
which  they  intluenced,  entirely  hostile  to  the  Dutch. 

Still  the  Dutch  war,  into  which  it  was  said  that 
Cromwell,  despite  his  better  judgment,  was  drawn  by 
Vane  and  St.  John,  remams  a  scandal  to  the  English 
Parliament.    But  it  is  difficult  to  say  how  the  war  was 


UE   RUVTER. 


INGRATITUDE   OF  CHARLES  II, 


255 


bei^un,  though  it  would  seem  that  the  T^ngh'sh  were 
the  agi^rcssors.  The  contest  was  entirely  on  the 
sea.  The  Dutch  admirals  were  Tromp,  an  ardent 
partisan  of  the  Orange  faction,  and  De  Ruyter,  while 
those  of  the  English  fleet  were  Blake  and  Monk.  The 
struggle  was  continued  with  var\ing  success,  though 
the  advantage  had  been  on  the  side  of  the  English. 
But  with  a  larger  trade,  and  a  smaller  territory,  the 
Dutch  losses  were  more  serious  than  those  of  their 
rivals.  It  is  said  that  the  two  }'ears'  war  with  Eng- 
land involved  greater  losses  to  the  Dutch  mer- 
chants than  the  whole  of  the  war  with  Spain  had. 
Biit  if  the  Dutch  were  anxious  for  peace,  the  English 
were  not  unwilling.  After  long  negotiations,  peace 
was  effected  in  1654,  and  on  terms  which  gave  lasting 
offence  to  the  Orange  party,  for  Cromwell  bound  De 
Witt  to  prevent  the  succession  of  the  young  prince  to 
the  office  of  Stadtholder. 

The  Dutch,  in  sheltering  the  English  exiles  with  V 
Charles  Stewart  at  their  head,  had  protected  men  at 
their  own  serious  risk,  in  whom  there  was  neither 
gratitude  nor  honour.  It  seems  that  there  was  hardly 
ever  an  English  sovereign  more  callous,  more  selfish, 
and  more  immoral  than  the  restored  Charles  was. 
His  restoration  was  welcomed  in  the  most  genuine 
and  lively  manner,  on  his  return  from  Brussels  to 
Breda,  and  he  was  honoured  and  entertained  magnifi- 
cently. De  Witt,  who  had  been,  as  he  alleged,  the 
unwilling  instrument  of  his  exile  to  Brussels,  assured 
him  of  the  attachment  of  Holland  to  him,  and  of  their 
joy  at  his  being  replaced  on  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors;  and  Charles,  on  the  other  hand,  avowed  that 


1>K    k[    \   I  1  K. 


INGRATITUDE   OF   CHARLES   II. 


2^ 


OD 


bci^un,  thoiip^h  it  would  seem  that  the  T^np^lish  were 
the  aj^ijressors.  The  contest  was  entirely  on  the 
se.i.  1  he  Dutch  admirals  were  Tn^mp,  an  ardent 
partisan  of  the  Granite  faction,  and  De  Ru\ter,  while 
tl.ose  of  the  iMii^lish  fleet  were  Hlakc  and  Monk.  The 
struL:<de  was  continued  with  var\  inji"  success,  though 
the  [ulvantaLie  had  been  on  the  side  of  the  Knijlish. 
lUit  u  ith  a  larger  trade,  and  a  smaller  territory,  the 

I  )utch  losses  were  more  serious  than  those  of  their 
rivals.  It  is  said  that  the  two  years'  war  with  luig- 
land  involvetl  i^reater  losses  to  the  Dutch  mer- 
chants than  the  whole  of  the  war  with  Spain  had. 
l^ut  if  the  Dutch  were  anxious  for  peace,  the  luiglish 
were  not  unwilling.  After  long  negotiations,  peace 
was  effectetl  in  1^)54,  and  on  terms  which  gave  lasting 
offence  to  the  Orange  party,  for  Cromwell  bound  De 
Witt  to  prevent  the  succession  of  the  young  prince  to 
the  office  of  Stadtholder. 

The  Dutch,  in  sheltering  the  English  exiles  with 
Charles  Stewart  at  their  head,  had  protected  men  at 
their  own  serious  risk,  in  whom  there  was  neither 
gratitude  nor  honour.  It  seems  that  there  was  hardly 
ever  an  English  sovereign  more  callous,  more  selfish, 
and    more   immoral   tlian   the   restored   Charles   was. 

I I  is  restoration  was  welcomed  in  the  most  genuine 
and  lively  manner,  on  his  return  from  Brussels  to 
Hreda,  and  he  was  honoured  and  entertained  magnifi- 
cently. De  Witt,  who  had  been,  as  he  alleged,  the 
unwilling  instrument  of  his  exile  to  Brussels,  assured 
him  of  theatt.ichment  of  Holland  to  him,  and  of  their 
joy  at  his  being  replaced  on  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors;  and  Charles,  on  the  other  hand,  avowed  that 


\ 


256   COLLISIONS   BETWEEN   ENGLA.\D   S'   HOLLAND, 

for  many  and  cndurinL:^  reasons,  he  valued  the  friend- 
ship of  the  States-General  at  a  hiL;her  rate  than  that 
of  any  European  Power,  or  all  toi^ether.  He  assured 
them  that  he  would  maintain  peace  between  them  and 
his  kingdom  inviolate,and  that  none  of  his  predecessors 
should  equal  him  in  the  services  he  would  render  to 
the  Republic. 

He  then  recommcMidcd  to  them  the  intore^t-^  of  his 
sister  and  nci)hew.  Thev  met  his  sugi;estion  by  agree- 
ing to  take  charge  of  his  education,  and  by  voting  an 
allowance  for  the  expenses  of  his  household.  They 
abrogated  the  Act  bv  which  he  was  exchidi'd  from 
the  office  f.f  Stadtholder,  and  determinetl,  it  would 
seem,  to  gratify  Charles  in  everything,  alleged  that  this 
conclusion  was  carrier!  In-  the  importunity  of  the 
usurjxMs,  and  that  now  that  the  iMigUsh  republic  w.is 
T]o  more,  thev  declared  it  void,  as  havin<j  ceased  with 
that  which  gave  effect  to  it.  These  concessions,  per- 
hai)s  expedient,  and  certainl)-  warranted  by  the  great 
services  which  William  afterwards  did  his  countrv, 
must  have  suggested  to  Charles  that  the  Dutch 
would  hereafter  be  \'ery  submissive  to  whatever  he 
might  please  to  enjoin  on  them.  The  Dutch,  I  imagine, 
were  still  smarting  with  the  memories  of  what  they 
had  lost  during  the  days  of  the  Protector,  and  were 
willing  to  believe  that  better  times  were  cominir  for 
them  in  the  restoration  of  a  prince,  whom  the\-  had 
bchiended  and  sheltered  to  their  own  serious  lo.ss. 

l^ut  all  the  whileCharles  was  dissembling  with  them. 
He  was  absolutely  selfish,  and  entirely  indifferent  to 
those  of  his  own  countrymen  who  had  ruined  them- 
selves on  his  beh.alf      1  le  was  less  likely  to  care  for  the 


WILLIAM   THE   ORPHAN. 


257 


interests  of  those  w  ho,  not  being  of  his  own  race,  had 
suffered  on  his  account.  And  lie  had  a  keen  memory 
for  any  slight  or  affront.  Now  in  the  days  of  his  exile 
the  Dutch  had  commented  freely  on  his  licentious  and 
profligate  habits,  and  even  offended  him  by  the  con- 
trast which  their  homely  and  dec(^rous  life  was  to  his 
own.  In  the  same  wav,  Charles  never  forgave  the 
Scotch  for  the  discipline  under  which  they  put  him 
while  he  was  in  Scotland,  and  when  he  came  to  the 
throne,  persecuted  and  harried  the  sons  of  those  who 
had  laid  down  their  lives  for  him  at  Dunbar  and 
Worcester  fights.  There  were  men  in  the  States- 
General  who  distrusted  him  for  all  his  protestations, 
and  one  of  them,  when  the  Hollanders  were  voting  the 
funds  for  defraying  his  expenses,  said  in  a  true  spirit 
of  prophecy  that  the  money  had  better  be  laid  out  in 
cannon  and  powder,  and  other  munitions  of  war. 

In  the  year  after  the  Restoration,  IMary,  the  w^idow  of 
William  and  mother  of  the  young  prince,  died,  when 
the  boy  was  ten  }'ears  old,  making,  by  will,  her 
brother  Charles  his  guardian.  The  States  were  greatly 
alarmed  at  the  ri.sk  that  Charles  might  insist  on  the 
right  thus  conferred  on  him,  and  bring  the  boy  up  at 
the  Knglish  court.  But  Charles  had  no  mind  for  such 
liabilities,  and  though  he  pressed  his  nephew's  claims 
in  language  which  was  very  different  from  that  which 
he  had  used  at  the  Hague  a  year  before,  he  spared  the 
young  Prince  of  Orange  the  irreparable  injury  01 
superintending  his  education,  and  of  thereby  making 
him  totally  unfit  for  all  public  or  private  duties  what- 
soever. In  one  particular,  however,  he  followed  the 
policy   of  the  Protector  whose  memory  he  insulted. 


258   COLLISIOXa   BETWEEN   ENGLAND   &  HOLLAND. 

He  raked  up  every  charc^e  he  could  discov^er  or  the 
Commonwealth  could  discover  against  tiic  Republic 
from  the  affair  of  Amboyna  down  to  the  latest 
grievance,  and  insisted  that  the  I'^nglish  merchants 
should  enter  upon  the  monopoly  which  the  Dutch 
enjoyed. 

When  he  married  Catherine  of  Rraganza,  he  de- 
manded that  the  Dutch  should  abstain  from  maintain- 
ing their  transatlantic  settlements  in  the  dominions  or 
reputed  dominions  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  and 
assured  them  that  he  would  make  his  kinsman's  cau^j 
his  own.  The  Dutch  who  had  maintained,  and  who 
thought  they  could  still  maintain  the  possessions  of 
their  West  India  Company,  appear  to  have  hccv\  so 
far  influenced  by  these  threats  as  to  make  a  p^.ilc 
with  the  King  of  Portugal,  under  which  they  resigned 
Brazil  for  a  large  present  payment,  and  f(»r  a  licence 
to  trade  freely  at  all  the  Portuguese  possessions  in  the 
two  Indies. 

They  did  everything  to  conciliate  him.  They  handed 
over  three  of  the  late  king's  judges  who  had  taken 
refuge  at  Amsterdam  ;  though  they  knew  that  they 
were  foredoomed,  and  showed  an  alacrity  in  the  grati- 
fication of  his  wishes  which  must  have  m  ule  him  feel 
no  little  contempt  for  them.  Ultimately  a  peace  and 
even  an  alliance  was  negotiated,  which  seemed  to  pro- 
mise fairly  for  permanent  friendship  between  the  two 
peoples.  The  Dutch  were  indeed  not  a  little  alarmed 
at  the  P>ench  king  insisting  that  they  should  ratify 
and  guarantee  the  sale  of  Dunkirk,  one  of  Cromwell's 
conquests,  which  Charles,  to  the  infinite  disgust  of  his 
people,  had  parted  with  to  Louis,  in  consideration  of  a 


I 


CHARLES   MAKES   CLAIMS   ON   THE   DUTCH,      259 

considerable  sum  of  money,  which  was  immediately 
squandered,  as  the  Prodigal  devoured  his  living,  for 
any  acquisition  of  PVance  in  the  Netherlands  was 
a  matter  of  anxiety  to  the  Republic.  Still  they 
yielded  on  this  point  too,  and  Charles  graciously 
relinquished  to  them  the  guardianship  and  educa- 
tion of  the  young  Prince  of  Orange,  a  duty  which, 
fortunately,  it  was  never  his  intention  to  undertake. 
Could  he  indeed  have  seen  into  the  future,  he  would 
have  insisted  on  this  as  the  most  important  right  which 
he  could  substantiate,  and  the  English,  who  envied 
and  hated  Holland,  would  have  gladly  acquiesced  in 
educating  young  William  in  the  interest  of  themselves 
and  the  Stewarts. 


I 


XXVJII. 

riii:  ADMINS  IRA  rioN  or  joiix  dk  witt. 

Bktwkkx  1650  and  1672,1110  affairs  of  Holland 
were  practicall\'  inanaL'.ed  by  John  i\c.  Witt.  This 
able  and  accomplished  statesman,  whose  work  on 
"The  Interest  of  Holland"  is  a  ver\'  complete  sum- 
mary of  the  political  and  mercantile  condition  of  the 
Republic,  was  the  son  of  Jacob  de  Witt,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  States  of  Holland,  who  had,  in  the 
last  year  of  the  Stadtholderate  of  William  H.,  been 
arbitrarily  and  illei:^ally  imprisoned  in  Loevenstein,  and 
only  released  on  condition  that  they  abdicated  their 
offices.  This  outrai^e  made  a  deep  impression  on  the 
mind  of  the  son,  and  was  the  reason  wh}-  he  was  and 
remained  hostile  to  the  pretensions  of  the  youni; 
prince. 

Had  it  been  |^ossil)le  to  restrain  the  Orani^e  part\', 
De  Witt  would  have  obviated  these  occasions  of 
difference  and  ultimatelx'  of  wars,  which  were  so 
disastrous  to  Holland,  durinij^  the  time  of  the  lui«;lish 
Commonwealth,  it  was  he  who  nei^otiated  the  treaty 
of  1654,  and  acquiesced  in  the  exclusion  of  the  Prince 


I 


A 


)«»ll.\    DE    Will 


\\\  III. 

Illl      \hMI\>  I  I;  \l  h 'X    •'!     I«»ii\    |>i-    \\  I  rr. 

Bktwiiv  i'">5o  and  1^^.72,  the  affairs  of  Mollaiul 
were  |)ratti<al!\'  niaiia  ;.(1  l)\'  |«>hii  (](-  Witt.  This 
able  and  .»■  •  mpiisiuMl  statcsinan,  wIim^c  work  on 
"  Thr  Interest  of  jjolland"  is  a  vcrx  eonipK'te  sum- 
mary ( »f  the  j)(»litical  and  mercantile  conditi*  >n  of  the 
Repuhh'e,  was  the  son  "f  laeoh  de  Witt,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Statt -^  ..,'  Iloll.md,  who  had,  in  the 
last  \-car  of  the  Stadtli<  )lderate  of  Wilham  II.,  been 
arbitr.irily  and  iilei^.d!)-  imprisoned  in  I.ocvenstein,  and 
onl\'  released  on  condition  that  lliey  abdicated  thc-ir 
offices.  This  outiaj^e  made  a  deep  imprc\>.>ion  on  tlu^ 
mind  of  the  son,  and  w.i-  the  reason  \\h\-  he  was  and 
remained  hostile  to  the  pretensions  of  the  youn^ 
prince. 

Had  it  been  possible  to  n-strain  the  (  )ranL:e  p.irt\-, 
l)e  Witt  would  ha\e  obviated  these  occasions  of 
dilferencc  and  nhiinatrly  of  wars,  which  were  .so 
disastrous  to  1  lolland,  dnrini;  th<^  tim<^  of  the  laiL^lish 
Comiiionw  (cdth.  It  was  he  who  niL;otiati-d  the  treat)' 
of  1^)54,  and  ac(iuiesced  in  the  exclusion  of  the  Prince 


joiiN  UI-:  w  11 1 


262     THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  JOHN   DE    WITT. 

of  Orange  from  the  oflfice  of  Stadtholdcr,  and  the 
expulsion  of  the  Stewarts  from  Holland.  In  all  like- 
lihood he  was  no  unwilling  agent  in  deposing  the 
house  of  Orange,  for  it  is  said  that  his  father,  old 
Jacob  de  Witt,  was  used,  when  he  met  him  in  the 
morning,  to  say, "  Remember  the  prison  of  Locvcn- 
stein."  After  the  war  was  brought  to  an  end,  Dc 
Witt,  though  only  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  was  and 
remained  practically  Prime  Minister  of  Holland,  under 
the  title  of  Pensionary. 

Still,  as  we  have  seen,  De  Witt  was  exceedingly 
complaisant  to  Charles  before  his  restoration  to  the 
English  throne,  more  so  when  it  was  finally  effected, 
and  even  afterwards  when  Charles  showed  himself  so 
captious  and  arrogant  with  the  Dutch  envoys.  De 
Witt  knew  that  Holland  had  now  more  to  lose  than 
gain  by  any  conflict,  and  saw  that  if  by  any  means 
short  of  a  public  humiliation  he  could  keep  on  good 
terms  with  France  and  luigland,  the  losses  which 
Holland  had  sustained  could  be  easily  repaired.  His 
countrymen  called  him  "  the  Wisdom  of  Holland." 

In  order  to  conciliate  the  Orange  party,  De  Witt 
induced  the  prince's  grandmother  to  entrust  his 
education  to  the  States  of  Holland.  The  Princess 
Dowager  agreed,  and  the  youth's  household,  modelled 
on  what  De  Witt  thought  was  the  public  interest,  was 
superintended  by  himself  That  De  Witt  intended  to 
give  a  bias  to  the  Prince's  character,  which  would 
make  him  prefer  the  interest  of  Holland  to  any  other, 
is  certain,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  the  object  was 
attained.  No  one,  not  even  William  the  Silent,  was 
more  entirely  devoted  to  his  country  than  William 


THE    TREATY   OF   THE   PYRENEES. 


263 


HI.  of  Holland  and  afterwards  of  England  was.  No 
man  divined  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  Re- 
public more  clearly  than  William  did,  no  one  was 
more  prompt  in  meeting  them,  and  more  confident, 
even  under  rebuffs,  disappointments,  and  defeats.  He 
conferred,  beyond  doubt,  great  benefits  on  two  nations, 
and  the  one  revered  his  memon-,  the  other  treated 
him  with  signal  ingratitude,  for  William  was  the 
worst  used  king  who  ever  sat  on  the  l^iglish  throne. 

\W  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees,  in  1659,  Louis  XIV. 
had  renounced  all  claims  to  the  throne  of  Spain 
through  his  wife,  the  king's  elde  t  daughter.  This 
had  been  effected  at  the  King  of  Spain's  instance. 
Hut  in  1663  De  Witt  found  out  that  the  French  king 
was  by  no  means  disposed  to  abide  by  his  engage- 
ments, and  that  he  meditated,  whenever  the  occasion 
should  arise,  the  occupation  of  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands. The  disco\ery  was  made  when  he  proposed 
to  Louis,  that  the  proposed  treaty  of  Partition  of 
1635  should  be  carried  into  effect,  in  case  the  Xether- 
landers  did  not  vindicate  their  own  independence. 
i\ll  that  Lcniis,  however,  would  concede  was  that,  in 
the  event  of  the  death  of  the  Spanish  king  and 
his  only  male  heir,  he  would  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Netherlands  under  a  French  protec- 
torate, which  of  course  would  be  no  independence  at 
all.  So  early  had  Louis  formed  that  plan,  which  he 
pertinaciously  strove  to  effect  during  his  life,  and  left 
as  a  tradition  to  his  successors.  So  startled  was  De 
Witt  at  this  discovery  that  he  approached  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  and  proposed  to  him  to  form  a  treat\' 
between  the  Republic  and  Spain  on  the  basis  of  the 


1 


; 


264     THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  DE    WITT, 

Pacification  of  Ghent,  in  1576.  Louis  discovered  the 
negotiation,  and  concealing  his  anger,  resolved  to  be 
revenged  on  the  first  convenient  opi)ortunity.  De 
Witt  must  have  recognized  that  Holland  was  running 
the  risk,  soon  to  be  the  certainty,  of  a  struggle  which 
would  be  more  perilous  and  more  prolonged  than  the 
War  of  Independence  was. 

Meanwhile,  the  relations  between  the  States-General 
and  the  Knglish  Government  were  every  day  becom- 
ing more  strained.  Charles,  who  was  on  the  point  of 
sacrificing  his  wisest  and  most  faithful  counsellor, 
Lord  Clarendon,  by  throwing  on  him  the  scandal  of 
the  sale  of  Dunkirk,  was  not  likely  to  make  any  effort 
for  the  republic  which  had  sheltered  him  and  his 
adherents  in  the  time  of  their  greatest  danger  and 
penury,  and  had  braved  the  wrath,  and  increased  the 
anxiety  of  the  great  Protector  by  doing  so.  On  the 
contrary,  he  strove  to  embitter  public  opinion  in  Kng- 
land  against  the  Republic  by  stimulating  the  cupidity 
of  the  luiglish  h'.ast  India  Company,  an  association 
which  was  indeed  prosperous,  but  was  fast  becoming 
one  of  the  worst  instruments  of  corruption  in  the 
country,  by  systematically  bribing  Parliament  in  the 
interests  of  its  monopoly  ;  for  while  the  Dutch  were 
striving  to  secure  a  trade  for  themselves  alone  in  that 
part  of  the  world,  the  East  India  Company  were,  by 
virtue  of  their  charter,  excluding  every  Englishman 
but  themselves  from  any  commerce  in  the  Indian 
seas. 

Before  Parliament  had  given  shape  to  its  ill-will, 
the  Court  began  war  by  attacking  the  Dutch  settle- 
ments in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the  eastern  shore 


FIRST    WAR    WITH   CHARLES. 


^65 


of  \orth  America.  Shortly  after  the  discovery  of  the 
Hudsi)n  River  the  Dutch  had  planted  a  colony  on 
Manhattan  Island,  with  the  name  of  New  Amsterdam. 
In  1664  the  colony  was  attacked  by  the  Knglish 
admiral,  Nichols.  As  the  attack  was  unexpected, 
and  tlio  town  was  undefended,  it  was  immediately 
surrendered  and  annexed  to  the  British  i)lantations. 
Its  name  was  changed  In  compliment  to  the  royal 
buccaneer  who  planned  this  expedition,  and  it  became 
New  York. 

Charles  disavowed  the  acts 
of  Nichols,  and  even  impri- 
soned him,  hut  made  no  re- 
stitution, lie  gave  the  Dutch 
envoy  fair  words  which  cost 
him  nothing,  and  made  vigo- 
rous preparations  for  war, 
which  cost  the  luiirlish  and 
Dutch  a  good  deal.  On  the 
other  hand,  De  Witt,  who 
saw  through  the  king's  dupli- 
city, and  had  put  a  consider- 
able fleet  under  the  connnand 
of  De  Ru\ter,  sent  his  ad- 
miral secret  orders  to  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  the  coast  of  Guinea  and  retake  the 
forts  which  the  English  had  seized.  De  Ru\ter  was 
generally  successful.  Charles  retaliated  by  seizing 
all  the  Dutch  vessels  which  he  could  la\'  his  hands  on, 
and  having  obtained  large  grants  from  Parliament,  by 
declaring  war.  The  first  battle  of  the  war,  that  of 
Southwold  liay,  was  disastrous  to  the  Dutch,  and  in 


PIPES. 


266     THE   ADMIXISTRATION   OF  JOHN   DE    WITT. 

the  next  year  nothint^  of  importance  was  done.  In 
the  great  battle  of  1666,  the  advantai^^e  was  on  the 
side  of  the  Dutch  ;  and  in  1667,  I)e  Ruyter  burnt  the 
English  fleet  in  the  IMedway,  and  peace  was  soon 
negotiated. 

Shortly  after  the  peace  was  proclaimed.  Charles, 
whose  peoi)le  began  to  discern  what  were  the  designs 
of  the  King  of  France  in  the  Netherlands,  despite  his 
reluctance  at  «'iving  anv  offence  to  Louis,  sent  Sir 
William  Temple  to  tlie  Hague,  for  the  pur[)<)se  of 
nccfotiatiiiLT  an  alliance  with  Holland.  l)e  Witt  un- 
willingly  acceded  to  the  proposal,  for  he  foresaw  that 
no  reliance  could  be  placed  on  Charles,  that  he 
would  irreconciliably  offend  Louis,  and  that  if  re- 
course was  had  to  arms,  Holland  alone  would  have  to 
bear  the  brunt  of  the  struggle.  Hut  he  gave  in,  and 
induced  the  deputies  of  the  States  to  acquiesce  in  his 
policy.  The  terms  of  the  treaty  allowed  Louis  to 
keep  some  of  his  Flemish  concjuests,  but  restrained 
him,  under  the  risks  of  war  with  luigland  and  the 
States,  from  making  further  acqui>ilion^.  This  treat}-, 
as  Sweden  shortly  after  joined  it,  was  the  famous 
"  Triple  Alliance,"  which  Temple  alwa)s  considered 
his  greatest  achievement.  It  formed  the  basis  and 
model  of  those  great  alliances  which,  at  a  sub^eciuent 
period,  were  entered  into  with  the  \  icw  of  chastising 
the  ambition  of  Louis. 

The  terms  of  this  treaty  have  been  iustlv  criticised. 
Spain  had  been  despoiled,  and  England  and  Holland 
.sanctioned  the  spoliation.  It  was  a  poor  show  of 
courage  to  condone  a  wrong,  and  to  avow  a  deter- 
mination that  the  wrong  should  go  no  further.     Hut 


THE    TRIPLE  ALLIANCE. 


267 


Enirland  and  Holland  were  in  no  condition  to  give 
effect  to  their  resolve.  The  costs  of  the  late  war 
wei^^hed  heavilv  on  both,  and  the  distrust  of  the 
English  towards  the  king  and  his  administration  was 
profound.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  intense  dread 
which  the  English  had  of  the  possible  revival  of  a 
man  and  an  army  like  that  of  Cromwell  and  the  new 
model,  it  seems  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  F:nglish 
nation  would  have  sent  Charles  and  his  brother  "  on 
their  travels  again  "as  the  king  used  to  call  his  exile. 
The  strength  of  Charles'  position  was  the  hatred  of 
the  Commonwealth,  the  memory  of  which  was  still  as 
keen  as  ever.  So  they  tried  a  middle  course  ;  in 
attemjiting  to  exclude  James  from  the  succession, 
failed,  and  were  constrained  finally  to  get  rid  of  the 
reigning  house.  But  the  value  of  the  Triple  Alliance 
was  not  in  its  immediate  effects.     It  was  of  force  as  a 

precedent. 

The  1  rii)le  Alliance  was  hardly  signed  when  Louis 
seduced  Charles  by  bribes  and  a  new  mistress,  into  break- 
ing it.  The  temptation  was  strong.  Charles  was  to 
be  subsidized  to  such  an  extent  as  to  be  made  inde- 
pendent of  Parliament.  He  was  to  be  enabled  to 
rest.. re  Romanism  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland, 
and  acquiesce  in  the  concjuest  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces. The  bribes  and  the  mistress  were  conveyed 
to  Charles  by  his  sister,  the  Duchess  of  Orleans,  the 
kinL^'s  brother's  wife.  On  her  return  to  France,  she 
died  speedily,  not  without  suspicions  of  poison. 

De  Witt  was  entirely  deceived.  He  had  informa- 
tion as  to  the  designs  of  Louis  and  the  despotism  of 
Charles,  but  he  disbelieved  his  informants.     He  could 


268      THE    ADMIMSTRATIOX   OF    70IL\    l)E    WITT. 

not  conceive  it  possible  that  the  luii^^ish  kiiii;  wouicl 
acquiesce  in  such  an  aggrandisement  of  T'rance  as 
would  result  from  the  subj nidation  of  the  United  IVo- 
vinces.  He  did  not  understand  his  man.  The  first 
thing  which  Charles  thought  of  was  the  means  of 
gratifying  his  appetites  ;  the  second  that  of  restc^ring 
the  religion  to  which  he  secretly  inclined,  if  indeed  he 
had  not  already  joined  it ;  the  third  was  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  absolute  government.  He  believed,  and 
with  some  justice,  that  the  odious  memories  of  the 
Commonwealth  could  enable  him  to  almost,  if  not 
quite,  achieve  the  last  object.  In  order  to  complete 
the  deception,  Charles  assured  the  Dutch  envoy  that 
his  mind  was  made  up,  and  that  he  was  firml\'  resolved 
to  maintain  the  alliance.  He  had  even  deceived  Temple 
by  his  assurances,  though  he  was  already  bound  to 
Louis  by  a  secret  treaty,  and  was  receiving  the 
reward  of  his  perfidv. 

Meanwhile  Louis  had  con(juered  Lorraine,  and 
Charles  had  agreed  to  admit  the  Emperor  of  ( lurniany 
into  the  alliance.  Next  he  recalled  Temple,  and  De 
Witt's  eyes  were  opened.  Had  He  Witt  been  served, 
as  William  the  Silent  had  been  served  at  the  court  of 
IMiilip  the  Second  a  century  before,  when  all  the 
secrets  of  the  Kscorial  were  duly  forwarded  to  him, 
the  Dutch  would  not  have  been  hoodwinked.  Had 
De  Witt  boldly  faced  the  situation,  and  seeing  that 
the  reconciliation  of  tlie  Dutch  factions  was  the  one 
thing  necessary,  had  acquiesced  without  grudging  in 
the  elevation  of  William  to  the  office  of  Stadtholder 
and  Captain-General,  he  might  have  averted  danger 
from  himself  and  his  country,  have  forced  Charles  to 


THE    WAR   OF   1672. 


269 


drop  his  bribes,  and  enlisted  English  sympathy  on 
his  side.  But  his  hatred  of  the  house  of  Orange  and 
of  William's  father  paralysed  his  judgment.  Temple 
soon  discovered  on  his  return  to  luigland,  what  were 
the  sentiments  of  the  king  and  the  cabal.  Dis- 
appointed and  disgusted  at  being  made  a  tool  and  a 
dupe.  Temple  retired  into  private  life. 

As  De  Witt  was  deceived  in  the  character  of  Charles, 
so  he  was  duped  by  Louis.  The  l^^rench  king 
flattered  him,  and  tried  to  bribe  him,  complimented 
him  on  his  disinterestedness  and  integrity,  and  assured 
him  of  his  continued  goodwill.  He  had  affected  to 
sympathise  with  his  dislike  and  distrust  of  the  house  of 
Ornnw,  and  with  his  unwillingness  to  admit  William 
into  any  share  of  the  administration.  Meanwhile 
Louis  did  his  best  to  induce  the  German  princes  to 
be  neutral.  He  succeeded  with  the  emperor,  and 
with  the  ecclesiastical  states  which  lay  on  the  Dutch 
border.  He  subsidised  the  disaffected  Hungarians, 
with  a  view  of  effectually  preventing  the  emperor 
from  disregarding  his  engagement,  and  he  succeeded 
in  bribing  the  Swedes  into  a  desertion  of  the  Triple 
Alliance.  He  had  thus  bought  or  entrapped  all 
possible  enemies,  and  had  effectually  isolated  the 
Dutch,  who,  alarmed  at  his  preparations,  and  asking 
their  import,  were  told  that  they  would  know 
next  spring.  Meanwhile  Charles  assured  the  Dutch 
envoy  that  he  would  prevent  Erance  from  making 
war  on  them,  and  would  assist  them  in  case  he  found 
Louis  disposed  to  be  aggressive  with  his  fleet. 

Just  as   war  was  seen  to  be  inevitable,  William  of 
Orange  was  made  Captain-General.     No  other  course 


270     THE  ADMLMSTRATION  OF  JOHN   DE    WITT, 

was  possible.  But  De  Witt  contrived  to  load  his 
commission  with  disagreeable  and  irritating  condi- 
tions, and  to  limit  its  duration  to  a  year.  In  addition 
to  inexperience  and  want  of  military  training, 
William  was  put  over  an  army  which  had  been 
disorganizxd  by  long  abstention  from  military  duties, 
and  by  the  sloth  and  negligence  of  its  officers- 
Louis  declared  war,  without  alleging  any  pretext 
beyond  this,  that  it  was  not  consistent  with  his 
glory  to  endure  the  conduct  of  the  States  any 
longer,  and  commenced  the  campaign  with  an  army 
of  120,000  men.  De  Witt  lost  all  courage  and  pro- 
posed to  treat.  But  the  terms  which  they  offered 
were  rejected  by  Louis,  and  Ilolhmd  recovered  the 
courage  of  despair.  De  Ruytcr  was  more  fortunate 
in  his  encounter  with  the  luiglish  licet 

But  soon  the  Orange  mob  at  "  the  Hague,**  aft<-'r 
vainly  endeav^ouring  to  assassinate  the  brothers  De 
Witt,  John  and  Cornelius,  and  having  then  striven 
to  destroy  them  on  a  false  accusation,  attacked  the 
prison  in  which  the}-  were,  dragged  them  out  and 
murdered  them,  near  the  spot  where  Barneveldt  had 
been  judicially  slain.  It  is  difficult  to  acquit  the 
Prince  of  Orange  of  tacit  compliance  with  the 
outrage.  Besides,  he  gave  a  pension  to  the  false 
accuser  of  the  two  stalcsmen. 


M 

^*^3C 

M 

W^mf^^ 

^ 

^^ 

i 

m 

^Z^^^WTI       ^  ^«^S 

S 

H 

^jjgjgi 

,^jA^^a^ 

I^BL^ 

nj^^g^^^ggum 

XXIX. 

TO   THE   PEACE   OF   NIMEGUEN. 

The  De  Witts  were  murdered  in  1672,  and  the 
whole  administration  was  forthwith  transferred  to  the 
hands  of  the  Prince  of  Oranire.  This  was  indeed 
inevitable.  The  party  of  the  De  Witts  was  paralysed 
by  the  outbreak,  the  people  insisted  on  the  elevation 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  his  ancestral  dignities,  and 
the  condition  of  the  Republic,  menaced  at  once  by  two 
powerful  enemies,  Louis  of  France  and  Charles  of  Eng- 
land, required  that  the  administration  of  affairs  should 
be  strengthened.  It  was  fortunate  for  Holland,  that, 
though  the  means  by  which  the  young  Stadtholder 
was  raised  to  his  dignity  are  as  indefensible  as 
could  be  conceived,  the  resolution  and  patriotism  of 
William  were  as  conspicuous  and  as  unyielding  as 
those  qualities  were  in  the  most  distinguished  of  his 
race.  He  had  not  indeed  the  military  genius  of 
Maurice  his  great  uncle,  or  Frederic  Henry  his  grand- 
father, but  for  unshaken  fortitude  and  persistent  love 
of  his  country,  he  was  a  counterpart  of  his  great- 
grandfather, William  the  Silent,  and  he  was,  besides, 


\ 


WILLIAM    III. 


TRAINING    OF    WILLIAM. 


273 


with    better    opportunities    perhaps,    the    shrewdest 
diplomatist  which    the    house  of   Orange   has    ever 

produced. 

Wilham  had  been  trained  in  habits  of  reserve  and 
prudence.  Since  the  premature  death  of  his  father  and 
mother,  his  brini^ing  up  had  been  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  were  distinctly  opposed  to  the  pretensions 
of  his  family.  I'or  twenty  years,  the  government  had 
been  an  aristocratic  republic,  which  had  taken  every 
possible  means  to  weaken  the  influence  of  the  Orange 
party.  It  was  necessary  for  William  to  be  cautious 
and  reticent  in  the  highest  degree,  to  be  wary  and  self- 
reliant,  to  study  the  characters  of  those  who  were 
opposed  to  his  elevation,  and  to  cautiously  win  the 
friendship  of  those  whom  he  might  hereafter  trust 
and  employ.  In  his  youth  he  had  been  too  openly 
friendly  with  Zulestein,  and  the  jealousy  of  the  exist- 
in<'-  iroverninent  removed  this  person,  in  whom  he 
afterwards  put  absolute  trust,  from  his  company. 
William  had  indeed  to  learn  the  art  of  war,  and  to 
do  the  best  he  could  in  striving  to  secure  his  country's 
independence  against  the  able  generals  who  w^ere 
trained  in  the  armies  of  Louis.  He  was  never  their 
match  in  battle,  but  there  was  no  ruler  of  Holland, 
who  so  rapidly  minimized  01  retrieved  defeat  and  loss. 

William  instantly  rose  to  the  occasion,  while  his 
country  was  administered  by  the  chief  of  the 
municipal  aristocracy.  William  was  ready  to  join 
tliem  in  suing  for  peace.  But  as  soon  as  he  became 
Stadtholder,  though  only  twenty  years  of  age,  he 
cncouraired  the  States  to  refuse  the  terms  which  Louis 
and  Charles  proposed,  as  discreditable  and  ruinous 


Ull.i.lAM     111. 


TRAISL\G    OF    WILLIAM. 


^75 


with    bcttrr     opiK^rtiiiiitics     pcrliaps,     the     shrewdest 
ilil)K)mati>l   which    the    lioiise   of   Orani^e    has    ever 

proihiced. 

Wilhain  liad  been  trained  in  liabits  of  reserve  and 
prudence.  Since  the  premature  death  of  his  father  and 
motlier,  his  brin-ini;  up  had  been  in  the  hands  of 
tli(»se  who  were  (hstinctl\-  oi)[)osed  to  the  pretensions 
of  his  family.  lM)r  twenl\'  \ears,  the  government  had 
been  an  arist<u^ralic  repubHc,  which  had  taken  every 
possible  nuMns  to  weaki-n  the  inlluence  of  the  Orani^e 
parl\.  It  was  iu'cessar\-  for  Wilbam  to  be  cautious 
and  reticent  in  the  hij^hest  de<gree,  to  be  wary  and  self- 
rehant.  t.»  -^tudx'  the  characters  of  those  who  were 
oj^posed  1<'  his  elexation,  and  to  cautiousl}'  w»n  the 
friendshij)  of  th(»se  whom  he  mij^lit  hereafter  trust 
and  emplov.  In  his  youth  he  had  been  t«^o  openly 
friendlx-  w  ith  Zul<  stein,  and  tlie  jealousy  of  the  exist- 
in"-  'Government  removed  this  person,  in  whom  he 
afterwards  put  absolute  trust,  from  his  company. 
William  had  indeed  to  learn  the  art  of  war,  and  to 
do  the  best  he  could  in  strivini:^  to  secure  his  country's 
independence  ai^ainst  the  able  «j^enerals  who  were 
trained  in  the  armies  of  Louis.  He  was  never  their 
match  in  battle,  but  there  was  no  ruler  of  Holland, 
who  so  rapidlx- mim"mi/.CHl  or  retrieved  defeat  and  loss. 

William  instantly  rose  to  the  occasion,  while  his 
country  was  administered  by  the  chief  of  the 
nnmicipal  aristocracy.  William  was  ready  to  join 
them  in  suin-  for  i)eace.  Hut  as  soon  as  he  became 
Stadtholder,  thou-h  only  twenty  years  of  ai^e,  he 
encour.iired  the  States  to  refuse  the  terms  which  Louis 
and   Charles   proposed,  as  discreditable  and  ruinous 


274 


TO    THE   PEACE   OF  NIMEGUEN. 


to  resist  to  the  last,  to  consider  how  great  their 
resources  still  were,  to  seek  for  allies  who  would  co- 
operate with  them  in  thwartini^  French  ambition,  and 
rather  than  yield,  in  the  last  extremity  to  transfer 
themselves  and  their  fortunes,  to  the  Eastern 
Empire  which  they  had  ft)Uiided.  Louis  and  Charles, 
who  had  striven  to  secure  for  William  the  rank  and 
position  which  he  had  now  reached,  found  that  he 
was  resolute  in  maintaining^  the  independence  of 
that  country,  which  the\'  had  hoped  by  his  means 
to  humilate  or  dismember. 

The  Dutch  had  opened  the  dykes,  and  at  <^reat 
loss  and  s;icrifice  had  effectually  barred  the  progress 
of  the  French.  William  took  the  field  at  once,  and 
though  he  was  unable  to  achieve  the  purposes  with 
which  he  commenced  his  campaign,  he  was  able  to 
show  that  his  army  was  capable  of  active  resist- 
ance to  his  powerful  enemy.  But  even  in  the  first 
winter,  when  the  French  troops  tried  to  attack  the 
Hague  by  marching  over  the  ice,  the  success  of 
the  attempt  was  only  frustrated  by  a  sudden  thaw. 
More  than  once  the  peculiar  geographical  position 
of  Holland  saved  it  from  what  appeared  to  be 
imminent  destruction. 

Though  as  a  general  William  was  very  moderately 
successful,  he  never  lost  the  confidence  of  his  country- 
men. They  early  appreciated  his  patriotism  and 
sagacity,  and  constantly  explained  his  failures  by 
the  fact  that  the  boldness  of  his  projects  was  in  excess 
of  his  powers.  Beyond  this,  several  of  the  ICuropean 
Powers,  though  they  had  no  great  liking  for  the 
Dutch,    were    alarmed    at     the    aggrandisement    of 


WILLIAM  BELOVED  BY   THE  DUTCH, 


275 


France,  and  assisted  Holland.  This  was  the  case 
with  Spain,  with  Brandenburg  (soon  to  be  the 
kingdom  of  Prussia),  and  afterwards  the  Scandinavian 
kingdoms. 

The  Dutch  believed,  and  with  some  reason,  that  the 
accession  of  the  r^nglish  king's  nephew  to  the  highest 
office  in  the  Republic,  which  Charles  had  always  de- 
manded, would  disarm  luiglish  hostility.  But  Charles 
was  in  the  pay  of  France,  and  was  entirely  incapable 
of  gratitude  or  honour.  It  was  necessary,  however, 
for  Charles  to  keep  his  |)arliamcnt  in  good  humour, 
they  being  utterly  disinclined  to  the  war,  and  to 
}'ield  to  them  in  a  matter  on  which  he  was  exceedingly 
reluctant,  the  political  proscription  of  the  Catholics, 
before  he  could  get  any  pecuniary  assistance  from 
them.  He  was  able  to  furnish  a  fleet,  which  in  con- 
junction with  that  of  France,  seemed  likely  to  be  able 
to  overwhelm  the  Dutch  on  sea. 

The  Dutch,  under  the  command  of  De  Ruyter  and 
Tromp,  fought  two  naval  battles  with  the  combined 
luiglish  and  French  fleets,  on  June  7th  and  June  14 
1673,  in  which  a  slight  advantage  was  on  the  side  of 
Holland.  On  August  2ist  another  battle  equally 
undecisive  was  fought.  But  in  more  distant  regions, 
and  in  privateering,  which  was  the  most  powerful  and 
common  kind  of  naval  warfare  at  the  time,  the  Dutch 
were  far  more  successful,  little  damage  being  done  to 
their  trade,  and  much  loss  being  suffered  by  English 
merchants. 

Meanwhile  the  ambition  of  Louis  was  consolidating 
European  enmity  towards  l^^-ance.  }\\Q:  Kings  of 
Sweden    and    Denmark   espoused    the   cause   of  the 


276 


TO    THE   PEACE   OF   NIMEGUEN. 


niLLlAM    AT    THE   HEAD   OF  AFFAIRS. 


Provinces.  Spain  made  vii^orous  efforts  on  behalf  of 
the  Netherlands,  and  therefore  on  behalf  of  Holland, 
and  even  the  lunpcror  of  Germany  entered  nUo  an 
alliance  with  the  States.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  not  a  little  of  this  jealousy  of  I-'nuice  vva.^  due  to 
the  diplomacy  of  William.  Louis  was  compelled  to 
abandon  the  conquests  which  he  had  made  in  the 
Provinces,  though  in  doini^  so  he  intlicted  as  many 
insults  and  as  much  injury  as  he  could  on  the  people 
whose  towns  he  temporarily  occupied.  The  conse- 
ciuence  was  that  the  parts  of  Holland  which  had 
suffered  most  supplied  the  most  ardent  i)arti/ans  for 
the  future  of  the  Stadtholder. 

The  Kn^dish  I'arlianuiit  was  determined  to  put  an 
end  to  the  war  with  Holland,  which  Charles,  in  order 
to  secure  h'rench  briber,  was  anxious  to  carry  on. 
They  refused  to  vote  supplies  unless  the  Dutch  were 
obstinately  set  on  war.  The  Dutch  soon  became 
aware  of  this  feelinjjj,  and  instantly  took  advantage  of 
it,  by  approachini;  Parliament  throui^li  the  kin^. 
Despite  the  reluctance  of  Charles,  Parliament,  on 
learnini^  the  Dutch  proposals,  absolutely  refused  to 
make  any  further  L,^rants,  addressed  the  kini,^  in  favour 
of  peace,  and  enforced  their  action  b\'  threatening  his 
ministers  with  impeachment.  Charles  was  forced  to 
j^nve  way,  and  ai^^iin  employed  Sir  William  remi)le 
in  nenotiatincf  a  peace  with  Holland.  A  few  da)s 
sufficed  to  complete  the  neij^otiations.  It  is  not  un- 
likely that  the  treacher\'  of  Charles  and  the  hatred  of 
James  to  the  Dutch  made  this  nation  disposed  to 
assist  that  expedition,  which  fourteen  years  later 
expelled  the  male  Stewarts  from  the  Iui<;lish  throne. 


277 


'Ihe  cvacuntion  of  Holland  by  the  French,  and  the 
alliance  with  Holland,  compelled  the  two  Pishops  of 
Munster  and  Cologne,  who  had  captured  some  towns 
in  Holland,  to  sue  for  peace  and  restore  their  con- 
(juests. 

The  Prince  of  Granite  got  all  the  credit  of  these 
indirect  successes.  I'he  States  m.ide  the  office  of 
Stadtholder  hereditary  in  his  descendants,  invited  him 
to  contract  a  marriage,  and  made  him  handsome  gifts 
of  money,  the  Dutch  l^ast  India  Company  settling  a 
portion  of  their  ])rohts  on  him  and  his  heirs.  The 
prudence  of  the  Prince  was  shown  again  in  the  reso- 
lute way  in  which  he  insisted  that  those  parts  of  the 
United  Provinces  which  had  been  occupied  and 
evacuated  by  the  livnch,  should  be  restored  to  all 
their  ancient  privileges.  This  policy  conciliated  these 
restored  States  to  the  Prince,  and  they  now  vied  with 
each  other  in  conferring  the  largest  powers  on  the 
Stadtholder.  William  took  advantage,  perhaps  natu- 
rally, of  this  good  feeling,  and  remodelled  the  consti- 
tution of  the  recovered  States  of  Utrecht,  Guelderland» 
and  Ovrr\'*^sel  in  his  own  political  interests,  which 
were  after  all  those  of  Holland.  William  became 
more  absolute  in  these  States  than  he  was  in  any 
other  part  of  the  Republic.  His  policy  in  war  and 
peace  was  alike  beneficial. 

The  French  kini:  saw  that  Charles  was  unable  to 
prevent  the  peace  which  Temple  negotiated,  and  he 
determined  to  avenge  himself  on  Spain.  Nougat  this 
time  Spain  still  possessed  the  Netherlands  and  a 
frontier  on  the  eastern  side  of  France.  These  Louis 
attacked  successfully.     The  Stadtholder,   now  Com- 


278 


TO   THE  PEACE  OF  NIMEGUEN. 


mander-in-chicf  of  the  Spanish  contingent  as  well  as 
of  the  Dutch  troops,  encountered  Conde  and  the 
French  forces  at  Scneff,  where  a  desperate  strui^<;le 
took  place,  lasting  from  morning  to  midnight. 
Though  William  was  not  victorious  here,  he  was  not 
defeated,  and  actually  gained  some  of  the  advantages 
of  victory  by  the  capture  of  one  or  two  important 
places. 

In  1675  attempts  were  made  to  bring  about  a  peace, 
and  Sir  W.  Temple  was  again  sent  to  Holland  to 
sound  the  Stadtholder  and  the  States.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  a  proposal  was  made  to  William  to 
bring  about  a  marriage  between  himself  and  Mary, 
the  oldest  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  \'ork.  Hut 
William  showed  no  inclination  to  close  with  the  offer, 
and  was  not  particularly  anxious  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war. 

In  point  of  fact  the  Prince  had  been  offered  by  one 
of  the  States  whose  interests  he  had  defended,  the 
title  of  Duke  of  Gueldcrland,  with  the  hereditary  but 
limited  sovereignty  over  that  state.  But  the  other 
provinces,  though  they  had  given  the  Stadtholder 
almost  unlimited  power,  took  alarm  at  the  suggestion 
that  he  should  in  any  part  of  the  Republic  step  out  of 
the  position  of  the  First  Minister  of  Holland  into 
that  of  a  hereditary  sovereign.  It  is  true  that  they 
had  made  his  rank  and  office  hereditarv,  and  had  uiven 
him  ample  powers,  but  still  as  long  as  he  was  Stadt- 
holder only,  what  they  had  given  they  could  revoke. 
If  he  became,  however,  a  king  or  sovereign,  his  posi- 
tion and  theirs  would  be  totally  altered,  and  in  their 
eyes  for  the  worse. 


DEATH   OF  DE   RUYTER. 


279 


William  was  astonished  and  annoyed  at  the  almost 
riniversal  resistance  which  the  project  met  with,  and 
in  responding  to  some  of  the  States,  he  could  not 
conceal  his  irritation,  while  he  thought  it  prudent  to 
disclaim  any  intention  of  accepting  the  offer.  But  at 
the  same  time,  as  he  saw  how^  important  he  was  to 
the  States  in  time  of  war,  this  rebuff  made  him  more 
than  ever  disinclined  to  peace.  He  saw  that  a 
Stadtholder,  when  the  war  was  over  would  be  a  very 
different  person  from  a  commander-in-chief  holding 
the  strings  of  a  European  alliance,  and  he  probably 
thought  besides  that  the  continuance  of  the  war  would 
weaken  Louis  and  strengthen  the  allies.  The  war 
was  therefore  continued,  despite  the  efforts  and  good 
offices  of  Temple.  It  was  carried  on  with  varied 
success,  but,  on  the  whole,  to  the  advantage  of  France, 
which  kept  making  conquests  in  the  Netherlands,  on 
the  Spanish  frontier,  and  even  in  Holland,  though  at 
great  cost  to  itself.  The  French  even  fought  on  sea 
with  the  Dutch  in  the  Mediterranean,  a  battle  in  which 
De  Ruyter  lost  his  life.  There  are  few  of  the  naval 
heroes  of  Holland  whose  patriotism  is  so  lofty,  and 
whose  couracre  and  conduct  are  so  conspicuous  as 
those  of  De  Ruyter  were.  There  is  none  whose  deeds 
are  more  copiously  commemorated  in  the  historical 
picture  galleries  of  Amsterdam.  The  death  of  De 
Ruyter,  ascribed  to  the  insufficient  fleet  which  he  was 
bidden  to  command,  diminished  for  a  time  the  popu- 
larity of  the  Stadtholder. 

Events  were  now  constraining  all  parties  to  desire 
peace,  though  for  a  time  only  Sweden  and  the 
Republic   expressed  their  desire    for   it.     The  latter 


28o 


TO    THE   PEACE   OF   NIMEGUEN, 


found   its   commerce  slipping  into  the  hands  of  the 
EnLdish.     The  NaviLration  Act  had   injuivd  them  not 
a  little  ;  the  continuance  of  the  war,  and  the  successes 
of    the    French    privateers,   had    harmed    them    still 
more.     At  this  time  the  l^ni^dish  East  India  (/(Mupany 
was   makin^c^  ra[)id   strides.     The    profits  ot    its  trade 
were    very    great  ;    the    interests   whicli   it    embraced 
were    very   numerous  and  very    powerful,   and    lari^e 
private   fortunes  were  rapidly  acciiii iiil.it.  .1   from  the 
profits   ot'"  its  stock.      Besides,  the   St.ites  were   really 
bcarinp^  the  ij^reater  part  of  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
for  while  the  cost  of  their  own   armaments  was  threat, 
thev  were  snh^idisin;/  the  allies.     Thr  taxation  of  the 
Hollanders  was  enoruK  us  and  oppressive,  and  nothint; 
but  the  thrift   .^nd   parsimony  of  the  |)eople   enabled 
them  to  bear  the  load  which  was  put   on   them.      lUit 
William,    like   Maurice,    was  anxious    to   prolon^r  the 
war.     lie  insisted  that  the  renewal  of  the    1  reaty  of 
the  Pyrenees  should   be  made   the   first  ccMulition   of 
peace,  which  meant  that   Louis  should  relincpii^h  all 
his  conquests.     At  last  William  was  almost  alone  in 
his  opinion. 

The  King  of  France  saw,  as  he  thought,  an  oppor- 
tunity of  breaking  up  the  alliance  by  making  peace 
severally  with  the  combatants.  He  offered  to  the 
emperor  the  boundaries  of  the  peace  of  Westphalia, 
to  Holland  the  restoration  of  the  only  Dutch  town 
which  was  now  in  lu's  [possession.  He  resolved,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  tnlarge  his  frontier  at  the  expense 
of  Spain,  and  to  recover  for  Sweden,  whc^se  alliance 
he  had  purchased,  all  that  she  had  lost  in  Northern 
Germany.     The  I^ince  of  Orange,  seeing  hi^  country- 


MARRIAGE   OF   WILLIAM  AXD   MARY. 


281 


men  bent  on  peace,  felt  constrained  to  go  with  them, 
but  determined  to  make  one  more  effort  before  he 
finall}'  yielded. 

His  anxiety  was  to  induce  the  King  of  England 
to  enter  anew  into  that  alliance  with  Holland  which 
had  been  negotiated  by  Sir  W.  Temi)le  after  the 
first  war  with  luiijland.  He  therefore  informed  this 
minister  that  he  was  anxious  now  to  effect  that 
marriage  with  IVIary,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  which  he  had  declined  so  coldly  a  few  years 
before,  and  witli  this  view  visited  luigland.  Charles 
w  ished  the  peace  to  precede  the  marriage,  but  William 
u  ith  some  show  of  reason  alleged,  that  such  a  line 
of  action  would  make  him  suspected  of  postponing 
public  considerati(Mis  to  his  own  private  wishes. 
Danbv,  afterwards  Duke  of  Leeds,  persuaded  Charles 
to  give  way,  and  the  Stadtholder  and  Mar}'  were 
married  in  i  Gjy.  She  was  the  only  respectable  Stewart. 

In  •London,  William  and  Charles  discu.ssed  the 
terms  on  which  peace  should  be  granted,  and  Charles 
engaged  himself  to  declare  war  against  both  France 
and  Spain  if  the  terms  were  not  accepted.  Louis, 
who  it  was  thought,  would  reject  these  terms  at  once, 
knew  the  mind  of  the  English  king  better  than 
William  did,  and  affected  to  treat  on  this  basis,  with 
the  object  of  prolonging  the  negotiations.  In 
luigland  {popular  feeling  against  T'rance  rose  so  high, 
that  Charles  was  forced  to  call  his  parliament  together 
to  acce{)t  a  grant  from  them,  and  enlist  an  army. 

The  Dutch  determined,  however,  to  accept  such 
terms  as,  leaving  a  sufficient  number  of  towns  in  the 
Spanish  Netherlands,  between  the  French  conquests 


2S2 


TO   THE  PEACE  OF  MMEGUEN. 


and  their  own  frontier,  and  restoring  to  them  all 
which  they  had  lost,  would  put  an  end  to  the  war. 
Upon  this  basis  a  truce  of  six  months  was  agreed  to, 
which  was  afterwards  prolonged.  The  Emperor,  the 
Elector,  and  the  King  of  Denmark,  who  had  been 
carrying  on  the  war  at  the  expense  of  Holland,  were 
indignant  at  the  States  for  not  allowing  themselves  to 
be  ruined.  After  some  appearance  of  activity  on  the 
part  of  Charles,  the  Dutch  agreed  to  peace  with 
Era  nee. 

The  Stadtholder  was  exceedingly  dissatisfied  with 
what  had  occurred.  He  thought  and  thought  cor- 
rectly, that  if  Charles  had  been  firm,  the  peace  of 
1678  might  have  been  founded  on  the  lines  of  the 
treaty  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  the  neutral  territory 
between  Holland  and  Erance  have  been  extended  to 
its  old  limits.  He  saw  that  the  treaty  of  Nimeguen 
had  left  the  Erench  far  stronger  than  they  were  before, 
and  he  predicted  that  another  war  would  shortly  be 
waged,  in  order  to  maintain  what  is  called  the  balance 
of  power  in  Europe.  In  his  anger,  even  after  the 
peace  was  signed,  he  attacked  Luxemburg,  the 
Erench  general  in  his  camp  near  Mons,  and  fought  a 
battle  there.  But  Louis,  who  had  obtained  all  the 
solid  advantages  which  he  desired,  took  no  offence  at 
this  breach  of  faith.  William,  however,  cherished 
the  utmost  suspicion  of  the  Erench  monarch,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  dissatisfaction  at  the 
peace  of  Nimeguen  led  to  those  two  long  and  costly 
wars  which  were  so  destructive,  and  which  entirely 
humiliated  the  house  of  Bourbon. 


XXX. 

FROM    Tlir:   PEACE   OF   NIMECIUEN   TO   THE  ENGLISH 

REVOLUTION. 


The  ten  years  which  intervened  between  the  peace 
of  Nimeguen  and  the  next  outbreak  of  war  was  one 
of  continual  anxiety  and  alarm.  The  peace  had 
practically  confirmed  the  Erench  king  in  his  acquisi- 
tions, and  convinced  him  that  he  could  quarrel  safely 
with  all  Europe,  and  aggrandise  himself  at  the 
expense  of  his  neighbours.  His  resources  were  so 
considerable,  the  patience  of  his  subjects  was  so 
enduring,  and  the  discipline  of  his  army  so  perfect, 
that  he  believed,  as  many  other  persons  believed,  that 
he  had  the  destinies  of  Europe  in  his  hands.  Indeed, 
that  luiropc,  however  united,  should  be  able  to  resist 
the  domination  of  Erance,  was  believed  to  have 
become  possible  only  through  the  astonishing  errors 
in  tactics  which  the  pride  and  self-will  of  Louis  led 
him  to  commit.  The  English  king  was  a  pensioner 
of  Erance,  and  could  be  counted  on  as  neutral,  the 
Spanish  monarchy  was  reduced  to  the  extremity  of 
weakness,  the    Germany   emperor   was    engaged    in 


II 


If 

i: 


m 

Ut 


MDCLlXVir 


_ iiiiiiii 


SPINOZA. 


TUE    POLICY   OF  LOUIS. 


285 


incessant  striii;L;ks  w  ith  llic  Turks,  and  with  his  own 
revolted  subjects  in  Huni^^an-,  and  Louis  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  in  league  with  both. 

In  the  earl)-  years  of  this  uneasy  peace,  Louis 
strove  to  strengthen  his  frontier  by  buikhng  with  all 
the  appliances  which  science  at  that  time  possessed 
the  strongest  fortresses.  Ikit,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
quarrelled  with  the  Jansenists,  a  school  which,  while 
within  the  Roman  Church,  contained  the  most  pious 
and  learned  men  of  that  communion,  and  strove  to 
extiri)ate  the  Huguenots.  He  gave  himself  up 
entirely  to  the  advice  of  the  Jesuits,  but  insulted, 
plundered,  and  irritated  the  Pope.  He  continued  his 
attacks  on  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  captured 
city  after  city.  He  bombarded  Genoa,  simply  because 
it  had  been  on  good  terms  with  Spain,  and  constrained 
the  Doge  of  that  ancient  city  to  sue  for  peace  at 
Versailles,  under  insulting  conditions.  Every  state 
in  Iun-()i)e  was  irritated  and  alarmed  at  his  pretensions 
and  his  actions. 

]\L'iny  of  the  1^'rench  nobles  and  a  large  section  of 
the  k'rench  pe()i)lc  had  embraced  the  Reformation 
and  had  accepted  the  teaching  and  the  discipline  of 
Calvin,  the  form  "f  religion  which  had  been  adopted 
in  Holland.  The  Huguenots,  as  these  sectaries  were 
called,  had  formed  the  mainstax'  of  Henry  IV. 
Without  their  aid,  the  grandfather  of  the  French 
king,  the  grand  monarch,  as  his  contemporaries  called 
him,  would  never  have  worn  the  crown  of  France. 
They  were,  as  a  rule,  loyal  to  the  monarch  of  their 
choice,  even  after  he  had  deserted  the  creed  in 
which  he  had  been  brought  up,  and  which  he  long 


DfrcUuyjQfU  Qan 

MDCLXXVir 


^     f 


SPI\0'/A. 


nil      I'D!  ICY    Oh'    LUi  IS, 


285 


incc>>.iiU  >triiL;L;k>  with  llir  riiiks,  and  with  his  own 
rcxoltcd  subjects  in  lluni;ar\,  and  Louis  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  in  ka^uc  w  ith  botli. 

In  the  earl\-  \  i  ar^  of  this  uneasy  peace,  Louis 
strove  to  stri'iiL^thi  n  his  frontier  b\-  buildini;  with  all 
the  apphances  which  science  at  that  time  possessed 
the  stroni^est  fortresses.  Hut,  on  the  other  liatid,  he 
(juarrelled  with  the  Jansenists,  a  school  which,  while 
within  the  Roman  (  hurch,  contained  the  most  pious 
and  learned  men  of  that  communion,  and  strove  to 
extirpate  the  1  lui^iienots.  lie  L;ave  himself  up 
entireK'  to  the  adxice  of  the  Jesuits,  but  insulted, 
j)hmiuied,  and  iiritated  the  Pope.  He  continued  his 
attacks  on  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  captured 
cit\'  after  cit\'.  I  \c  bombarded  (ienoa,  simply  because 
it  had  been  on  :;oo(l  terms  with  Spain,  and  constrained 
tlic  ])oi;e  of  th.it  ancient  cit\'  to  sue  for  peace  at 
\Y'rsailles,  imder  insultinij^  conditions.  livery  state 
in  Lurope  was  irritated  and  alarmed  at  liis  pretensions 
and  hi>  actions. 

Manx'  (»f  the  [''rencli  nobles  and  a  larijc  section  of 
the-  h'rench  people  liad  embraced  the  Reformation 
and  had  accepted  the  teachinL,^  and  the  discii)line  of 
Cal\in.  the  form  .1  religion  which  had  been  adopted 
in  Holland.  The  II UL;iienots,  as  these  sectaries  were 
called,  had  formed  the  mainsta\-  of  Henry  IV. 
Without  their  aid,  the  L^randfather  o{  the  French 
kini;-,  the  i^n-and  monarch,  as  his  contemporaries  called 
him,  wouUl  never  liave  worn  the  crown  of  h'rancc. 
Thev  were,  as  a  rule,  lo\al  to  the  monarch  of  their 
ch(^ice,  even  aftt  r  he  had  deserted  the  creed  in 
which  he  had  been    broui;ht   uj),  and   which   he   lon^^ 


286 


FROM    THE   PEACE   OF  NIMEGUEN. 


I* 


professed.  Henry  saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  no  chance 
for  his  final  victory,  unless  he  was  reconciled  to  the 
Roman  Church.  He  suffered  himself  to  be  converted, 
foreseeing  that  he  could  thus  win  the  Malcontents, 
without  seriously  affronting  his  own  friends,  l^ut  he 
accorded  the  Huguenots  toleration,  by  the  famous 
Edict  of  Nantes,  and  allowed  them  to  rct:iin  in  their 
own  hands  certain  fortresses,  and  even  districts, 
coUeires,  and  churches. 

It  was  the  policy  of  Richelieu  to  consolidate  the 
power  of  the  French  monarchy,  to  diminish  the 
privileges  and  weaken  the  political  independence  of 
the  French  sectaries.  In  course  of  time,  many  of  the 
nobles  of  the  Huguenot  party  deserted  the  creed 
which  their  fathers  maintained,  and  like  the  king 
whom  they  had  fought  for,  reconciled  themselves  to 
the  Church.  But  the  great  body  of  the  sectaries 
remained  faithful  to  their  creed.  They  naturally 
dwelt  in  towns,  and  became  the  principal  manufac- 
turers, artisans,  and  merchants  of  France.  The 
Huguenots  were  the  peojile  whom  the  policy  of 
Colbert  had  favoured,  and  their  enterprise  and  wealth 
enabled  them  to  establish  in  I^'rancc  those  industries 
which  were  the  mainstay  of  P'rench  trade,  and  the 
source  of  the  king's  revenue.  These  men  possessed 
the  largest  part  of  that  wealth  which  is  the  life  of 
manufacturers  and  commerce. 

The  Hollanders  and  the  English  had  a  profound 
interest  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Hui/ucnots.  It  was 
a  matter  of  common  religious  feeling,  for  some  of 
French  sectaries  had  been  among  the  most  famous 
and  competent  of  the  generals  whom  Louis  employed 


EXPULSION   OF   THE   HUGUENOTS. 


287 


Now  it  was  these  persons  whom  Louis  wished  to  drive 
into  the  Church  of  Rome  by  force,  and  after  a  time, 
when  they  refused  compliance  with  his  will,  to  drive 
from  France.  He  quartered  soldiers  on  them,  and 
harried  them  by  exactions,  he  destroyed  their  churches 
and  schools,  he  bribed  those  he  could  into  compliance 
with  his  wishes,  and  he  punished  with  the  greatest 
severity  those  who  relapsed  into  their  ancient  creed. 
In  time  districts  once  almost  entirely  peopled  by  the 
reformed  sectaries  were  coerced  into  conformity. 

iMually  on  October  2,  1686,  he  revoked,  amid  the 
applause  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  congratulations  of  the 
Court  bishops,  the  famous  Edict  of  Nantes.  Then 
came  a  gigantic  emigration  of  the  wealthiest,  the  most 
industrious,  and  the  most  vigorous  of  the  French 
people.  The  emigration  of  the  Huguenots  was  nearly 
as  disastrous  to  France  as  the  expulsion  of  IMoriscoes 
in  the  beginning  of  the  century  had  been  to  Spain. 
The  manufacturers  came  in  great  numbers  to  En<dand 
and  Holland,  where  they  were  heartily  welcomed, 
bringing  with  them  those  arts  of  which  France  had 
previously  a  monopoly.  The  subscriptions  collected 
in  the  luiglish  churches  on  behalf  of  these  refugees 
were  exceedingly  large,  and  mightily  vexed  Louis 
and  James,  who  had  now  succeeded  Charles.  Men 
who  had  grown  grey  in  the  military  and  naval  service 
of  the  French  king  now  joined  the  armies  of  his  most 
im|)lacable  enemies,  and  did  eminent  service  in  the 
struggle  which  now  became  imminent.  Such  men 
were  Marshal  Schombergand  Ruvigny.  Thousands  of 
trained  soldiers  and  skilful  seamen  left  the  country 
which  persecuted  them  and  transferred  their  services  to 
those  who  welcomed  them. 


288 


FROM    THE    PEACE    OF   MMEGUEN. 


But  not  only  did  Louis  weaken  himself  and  lessen 
the  resources  of  his  kini^doni  by  the  persecution  of  the 
Huguenots,  but  his  pride  and  violence  was  raising 
enemies  against  him  on  all  sides.  He  put  forward 
claims  to  the  Palatinate,  he  forced  one  of  his  creatures 
on  the  Pope,and  strove  to  makehim  Hishoi)  of  Cologne  ; 
he  even  entered  into  a  personal  quarrel  with  Imiocent 
XL,  and  made  him  incline  to  the  alliance  which  was 
gradually  forming  against  France.  The  occasion  of 
this  quarrel  is  curious  and  instructive.  In  all  civilized 
countries  the  person  and  the  domicile  of  an  ambas- 
sador are  inviolable.  It  is  obvious  that  it  would  be  im- 
possible for  an  envoy  to  perform  his  functions,  unless 
as  long  as  he  resides  in  a  country  which  is  still  friendly, 
he  has  complete  power  over  his  own  actions.  When 
countries  go  to  war,  the  system  is  suspended.  The 
ambassador  is  withdrawn.  Now  every  one  of  the 
Catholic  Powers  had  an  envoy  at  Rome.  There  had 
grown'  up  a  custom  among  these  personages  of  insist- 
ing on  the  privilege  of  their  office  being  e.\tended  to 
all  persons  whom  they  might  employ  and  even  har- 
bour, and  as  many  of  these  envoys  at  the  Papal  court 
thought  proper  to  >urround  themselves  with  a  large 
retinue  and  sometimes  large  bodies  of  troops,  the  quar- 
ters in  which  they  resided  became  an  asylum  to  all  the 
bad  characters  in  Rome.  Murders  and  robberies  were 
committed  and  the  perpetrators  shielded  fr;)m  the 
consequence  of  their  acts.  Smugglers  took  up  their 
abode  in  these  sanctuaries,  and  the  papal  revenue  wa^ 
seriously  compromised  by  contraband  trade.  Lniocent 
was  determined  to  put  a  stop  to  the  scandal,  and 
found  it  not  difficult  to  induce  the  Catholic  Powers 


LOUIS   OFFEXnS   EVERY   ONE, 


289 


to  restrain  within  reasonable  limits  the  licence  which 
had  been  customary.  But  Louis  insisted  on  con- 
tinuing the  obno.xious  system  in  the  person  of  his 
ambas.sador,  and  sent  an  envoy  with  a  small  army  to 
Rome,  whom  the  Pope  refused  to  admit  to  an 
audience.  In  revenge  for  this  Louis  overran  the 
territory  of  Avignon,  and  united  it  to  his  dominions. 

From  the  peace  of  Ximeguen  onwards,  William  of 
Orange  had  striven  to  procure  a  confederation  of  the 
European  Powers,  o.stensibly  to  secure  and  maintain 
the  provisions  of  the  peace,  but  really  as  a  counter- 
poi.se  against  the  mciiacing  ambition  of  Prance.  But 
the  principal  ally  whom  he  hoped  to  secure  was  his 
uncle,  Charles  of  p:ngland,  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
unacquainted  with  the  secret  engagements  which  that 
utterly  unprincipled  sovereign  had  made  with  the 
P>ench  king.  The  States  of  1  lolland,  however,  entirely 
distrusted  Charles,  and  feared  to  pnnoke  Louis,  who, 
as  it  appears  that  they  believed,  might  be  anxious  to 
remain  on  good  terms  with  the  Rei)ublic.  They  were 
merely  anxious  to  maintain  the  peace. 

The  action  of  Louis  himself  .soon  disal)used  the 
Dutch  of  their  confidence.  Louis  insisted  on  .securing 
some  towns  of  the  Si)ani.sh  Netherlands  which  had 
been  expres.sly  restored  at  the  peace,  he  attacked 
Luxemburg,  he  occupied  .Msace,  he  got  possession 
of  Strasburg,  and  fortified  it  for  him.self.  On  these 
acts  came  the  persecution  and  expulsion  of  the 
Huguenots,  and  Louis  succeeded  in  alienating  from 
himself  those  states  and  cities  of  Hc^lland  which 
had  been  hitherto  anxious  to  maintain  a  good  under- 
standing   with    him.       Under    these    circumstances 


290 


FROM    THE  PEACE   OF  NIMEGUEN. 


William  found  that  the  efforts  which  he  was  makincr 
to  secure  the  formation  of  a  lea^jue  ap^ainst  T'rance 
were  more  likely  to  be  successful.  He  contrived  to 
induce  the  King  of  Sweden  to  enter  into  the  alliance, 
and  he  used  every  effort  to  induce  Charles  of  iMig- 
land  to  take  the  same  step.  But  Charles  refused,  and 
William  induced  the  Flmperor  of  Spain  and  some  of 
the  German  princes  to  join  in  the  alliance.  William 
hoped  that  at  last  he  should  be  able  soon  to  enter  into 
a  fresh  struggle  with  France,  but  tlie  obstinate  refusal 
of  the  city  of  Amsterdam  to  back  u[)  his  policy  foiled 
him.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  inducing  the  States 
to  strengthen  their  navy,  and  to  keep  an  effective 
army. 

In  February,  1685,  Charles  of  England  died  and 
his  brother  James,  the  father-in-law  of  William,  suc- 
ceeded. James  put  on  a  show  of  vigour,  declared  that 
he  would  maintain  the  European  balance,  and  though 
he  was  not  above  receiving  the  French  king's  money, 
exhibited  more  sense  of  personal  dignity  and  national 
feeling  than  Charles  did.  He  even  affronted  Louis, 
and  by  doing  so  prepared  his  own  ruin.  Mean- 
while William  kept  on  good  terms  with  his  father-in- 
law,  whose  succession  he  had  good  reason  to  expect, 
and  sent  away  IMonmouth  from  the  Provinces.  It  is 
alleged  by  some  that  he  was  privy  to  Monmouth's 
invasion.  Certainly  he  must  have  been  as  dissatisfied 
with  the  assumption  of  the  royal  title  by  that 
adventurer  as  James  was.  He  not  only  disavowed  it, 
but  sent  six  regiments  in  the  Dutch  service  to 
co-operate  with  James  against  the  rebels.  Meanwhile 
William  had  at  last  contrived  to  establish  an  agree- 


THE  EXPEDITION    TO  ENGLAND. 


291 


rnent  between  those  who  were  alarmed  at  the  progress 
of  France  under  the  name  of  the  league  of  Augsburg. 

It  is  not  eas)'  to  see  when  the  scheme  first  took 
shape  of  dispossessing  James  from  the  English  throne. 
Hurnet,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  had  quitted 
luigland,  now  no  safe  place  for  him,  and  was  soon  as 
deeply  in  William's  counsels  as  any  man  ever  was. 
On  the  other  hand,  William  sent  one  of  his  most 
trusted  adherents,  Dykvelt,  over  to  London  in  order 
that  he  might  enter  into  an  understanding  with  the 
ICnglish  noble.s,  disabuse  them  of  any  impression  which 
they  might  have  as  to  his  .sympathy  with  his  father- 
in  law's  theories  of  government,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  assure  James  of  the  good  will  of  the  States.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  Dykvelt  was  trusted  by  the  English 
malcontents,  who  had  by  this  time  thoroughly  mis- 
trusted James,  and  were  gradually  forming  those  plans 
which  eventuated  in  the  iMiglish  Revolution.  At  last 
William  ventured  on  publishing  and  circulating  his 
opinions  about  what  James  was  bent  on,  the  repeal  of 
the  Test  Act,  and  the  indulgence  to  Protestant 
Dissenters.  The  publication  of  this  document,  though 
it  angered  James,  increased  the  popularity  of  William 
in  l^ngland. 

The  birth  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  known  in  later 
history  as  the  Old  Pretender,  destroved  all  W^illiam's 
hopes  of  the  succession  to  the  English  throne,  which 
he  may  have  contemplated,  and  was  a  serious  blow  to 
what  William  certainly  had  at  heart,  the  creation  of  a 
powerful  league  against  the  French  king.  With  Eng- 
land friendly  to  France,  or  neutral  in  the  coming 
struggle,  it  was  justly  feared  that  the  alliance  would 


292 


FROM   THE   PEACE   OF  NIMEGUEN. 


It 


be  powerless.  It  mii^lit  succeed  if  England  were  to 
declare  on  the  side  of  the  Allies.  At  first  William 
recognized  his  infant  brother-in-law,  but  when  it  was 
reported  that  the  child  was  supposititious,  and  the 
report  was  believed,  William  ceased  to  have  the 
child's  name  mentioned  in  public  worship.  William 
must  have  joined  in  the  popular  belief;  else  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  see  why  he  should  have  given  James  what  was 
a  practical  warning  that  he  would  claim  his  wife 
Mary's  inheritance  by  force  of  arms.  To  disallow  the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  to  claim  the  luiglish  throne. 
The  birth  of  the  Prince  was  the  fatal  offence  of  James. 
W^illiam  had  sent  Zulestcin  to  congratulate  the 
English  king  and  queen  on  the  event,  and  Zulestein 
brought  back  the  invitation  from  the  English  nobles 
to  W^illiam,  that  he  should  invade  luigland  and 
liberate  it  from  the  Government  which  was  violating 
the  law,  and  suspending  the  constitution.  W^illiam 
was  ready  enough,  but  the  difficulties  were  great.  He 
had  to  carr\-  out  his  project  in  secret,  to  hoodwink 
James  and  Louis,  and  to  induce  the  I'nited  Provinces 
to  acquiesce  in  his  plans.  h\)rtunatclv  for  William,  Louis 
had  been  affronted  by  James,  and  was  at  the  height 
of  his  quarrel  with  the  Pope  and  the  ICmperor,  while 
William  was  making  his  preparations.  Just  at  the  eve 
of  the  enterprise  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Louis  de- 
clared war  against  the  emperor  and  sent  his  forces  to 
the  Palatinate,  far  away  from  the  Dutch  frontier  and 
thus  left  the  sea  open  to  William. 


1/ 


XXXL 

TlIK   ENGLISH   REVOLUTION. 

James  the  Second  of  England  had  long  an- 
nounced his  conversion  to  the  Roman  Church,  to 
the  alarm  and  indignati(^n  of  the  English  people, 
l^ut  his  brother  Charles  had  succeeded  in  baffling 
the  desicrn  of  Parliament  to  exclude  him  from  the 
throne,  and  had,  after  the  last  effort  made  in  that 
direction,  resolved  to  summon  no  more  Parliaments. 
In  order,  however,  should  it  be  necessary  to  meet 
such  an  assembly  again,  he  had,  by  a  trick  of  law, 
and  with  the  services  of  unscrupulous  judges,  con- 
trived to  effect  the  surrender  of  the  charters  by  which 
the  boroughs  exercised  their  franchises,  and,  to  a 
great  extent,  their  representation  in  Parliament,  and  to 
rc-grant  them  under  such  conditions  as  to  secure  the 
royal  influence  in  all  or  most  of  them.  I  low  well  he 
had  taken  his  measures  is  p-  ved  by  the  complete 
subservience  of  the  only  Parli.  ment  which  his  brother 
and  succes.sor  ever  summoned.  This  Parliame  it  made 
James  such  enormous  grants  that  he  was  u.ider  no 
necessity,  except  war  broke  out,  to  have  recourse  to 


294 


THE  ENGLISH  REVOLUTION. 


his  people  again  ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt,  had  his 
reign  been  prolonged,  that  he  would  have  never  sum- 
moned a  Parliament. 

James  was  as  fond  of  French  money  as  Charles, 
but  he  was  not  nearly  so  prodigal,  and  a  great  deal 
more  proud.  He  resented  the  advice  of  the  monarch 
to  whom  he  was  indebted,  and  even  disavowed  that 
understanding  with  him  which  he  had  entered  into 
in  consideration  of  the  money  which  Louis  advanceil 
him.  Meanwhile  he  had  contrived  to  alienate  every- 
one from  him,  even  the  Church  of  I^icrland,  which 
had  been  preaching  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience 
for  a  generation.  His  design  was  to  effect  the  con- 
version of  the  English  people  to  his  religion,  and  to 
employ  every  means  which  the  law  and  his  preroga- 
tive gave  him  in  order  to  effect  this  result.  In  order 
to  make  a  party,  beyond  the  Roman  Catholics  in  his 
kingdom,  he  proclaimed,  by  his  sole  authority  and  in 
defiance  of  the  law,  absolute  toleration  for  all  Dis- 
senters, and  the  suspension  of  all  laws  and  disabilities 
which  had  been  enacted  against  the  Roman  Catholics, 
hoping  that  thereby  he  might  gain  the  Dissenters, 
while  he  had  no  suspicion  that  the  English  clergy 
would  break  away  from  their  loyalty  to  him,  however 
much  they  were  affronted  and  injured.  In  order  to 
secure  his  objects,  he  brought  over  a  consid<:rablc 
body  of  troops  from  Ireland,  all  men  of  his  own 
creed,  and  all  officered  by  men  of  his  own  creed.  Now 
if  there  was  one  thing  which  was  more  injurious  than 
anything  else  to  his  father,  it  was  the  bare  suspicion 
that  he  had  meditated  the  enlistment  of  an  Irish 
army   against    the    Parliamentary   forces,    and    now 


HOLLAND    TAKES   PART  IN  IT. 


295 


James  had  Irish  regiments  under  arms  in  the  vicinity 
of  London,  with  the  object,  as  it  appeared,  of  over- 
awing the  city  of  London.  And  as  I  have  already 
said,  the  birth  of  a  son,  who  would  be  brought  up  in 
his  father's  obnoxious  creed,  made  the  permanent 
degradation  of  England  an  assured  prospect. 

The  French  envoy  at  the  Hague  was  not  blind  to 
the  meaning  of  William's  preparations,  and  had  in- 
formed   Louis  and   James,  assuring  the  States  that 
there     was     an     understanding     between     the     two 
monarchs,  under  which  any  attack  on  either  would 
be  treated  as  a  declaration  of  war.     James,  however, 
in  a  fit   of  pride,  denied   that  there  was  any  under- 
standing beyond  that  which  was  known  to  the  whole 
world,  and  so  offended  his  French  ally,  who  practically 
left  him  to  his  fate.    By  the  aid  of  Dykvelt  and  Fagel 
William  contrived  to    induce,  at  last,  all  the  United 
Provinces  to  assist  him  in  his  undertaking.     They  had 
probably  learned  how  hostile  the  English  people  were 
to  their  infatuated  king.     They  were  informed  of  the 
assistance  which  was  promised  by  the  leading  English 
nobles,  and   the}'  must  have  been   entirely  convinced 
how  dangerous  the  designs  of  Louis  were.     Now  if 
war  were  to  come,  it  was  of  the  utmost  consequence 
to  them  that  England  should  be  the  ally  of  Holland, 
and  not  passively  or  actively  on   terms  of  friendship 
with   France.     They  remembered  the  dangers  which 
they  ran   in    1672,  and  many  of  them  no  doubt  re- 
called how,  a  century  before,  the  aid  of  the  English 
had  been  of  the  greatest  importance  to  them  in  the 
War  of  Independence.     It  must  have  been  for  such 
reasons  as  these  that  the  States  overcame  their  re- 


< 


►: 


< 
c 

p: 


p 


LANDING   AT   TORBAY. 


297 


puj^nancc  to  cni^aging  in  costly  hostilities,  and  these 
with  the  dreaded  King  of  France.  Besides,  WiUiam 
had  contriv^ed  to  gain  the  warm  friendship  and  close 
alh'ance  of  the  Elector  of  Hrandenburc^.  lie  knew 
that  he  should  have  the  support  of  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  and  that  even  the  Pope  was  favourable  to 
the  enterprise  of  the  heretic  prince,  if  he  could  only 
be  free  from  the  insults  of  l^Vancc,  the  king  of  which 
was  now  engaged  in  thrusting  a  partisan  of  his  into 
a  German  bishoj^ric,  in  defiance  of  both  Pope  and 
emperor.  He  actually  seized  the  opportunity  of 
inflicting  a  serious  loss  on  the  Dutch  fisheries,  and  so 
had  alienated  these  persons  who  had  hitherto  been 
his  partisans. 

On  the  29th  of  October,  New  Style,  but  on  the 
19th  according  to  the  reckoning  of  most  Protestant 
countries,  the  fleet  started  on  the  expedition,  but, 
meeting  with  bad  weather,  was  obliged  to  return  to 
port,  a  circumstance  which  induced  James  to  con- 
clude that  there  was  now  no  present  danger.  It  had 
been  the  intention  of  William  to  effect  a  landing  in  the 
North  of  England,  where  he  believed  his  partisans 
were  strong,  and  where  he  might  expect  Scotch 
assistance.  Hither  James  had  gone  with  his  forces. 
There  was  some  delay  in  starting  again,  and  the  wind 
made  it  necessary  that  William  should  land  on  the 
south-west  coast.  Here  he  landed  at  Torbay,  on  Nov. 
5th,  Old  Style,  an  auspicious  day  to  luiglish  minds, 
because  it  was  the  anniversary  of  the  deliverance  of 
Kinir  and  Parliament  from  the  l^owdcr  Plot.  He 
was  gladly  received,  and  marched  slowly  towards 
London. 


I! 


LAXDI.\G   AT    TORBAY. 


297 


t- 
< 

c 

» 


pui^nancc  to  cn<;7i<;ini;  in  costly  liostilitics,  and  these 
with  the  dreacied  Kini;  of  h'rance.  Ik'sides,  W'iUiam 
had  contrived  to  i^ain  the  warm  friendslii})  and  close 
alh'ance  of  the  I^lector  of  Hrandenl)ur;^.  He  knew 
that  he  sliould  liave  the  support  of  the  iMiipcror  of 
(jeri]ian\',  and  that  even  the  P(^pe  was  favourable  to 
the  enti-rprise  of  the  heretic  prince,  if  he  could  only 
be  free  from  the  insults  of  P'rance,  the  kini^  of  which 
was  now  enL,^'ii^ed  in  thrust ini;  a  partisan  of  his  into 
a  (lerman  bishopric,  in  defiance  of  both  ro[)e  and 
emperor.  lie  actually  seized  the  opportunit)*  of 
inlh'ctin;^'  a  serious  loss  on  the  Dutch  fisheries,  and  so 
had  alienated  these  i)ersons  who  had  hitherto  been 
his  partisans. 

On  the  2(jth  of  October,  New  St\le,  but  on  the 
19th  accordiuL;  to  the  reckoniuL;;  of  most  Protestant 
countries,  the  lleet  started  on  the  expedition,  but, 
meetiiiL;  with  bad  weather,  was  oblii^ed  to  return  to 
port,  a  circumstance  which  induced  James  to  con- 
clude that  there  was  now  no  j)resent  dani^er.  It  had 
been  the  intention  of  William  to  effect  a  landinij  in  the 
North  of  luiL^land,  where  he  believed  his  partisans 
were  stroni^,  and  where  he  mii^ht  expect  Scotch 
assistance.  Hither  James  had  i^onc  with  liis  forces. 
There  was  some  delay  in  startini^  ^i^«iin,  and  the  u  ind 
made  it  necessar\'  that  William  should  land  on  the 
south-west  coast.  I  lere  he  landed  at  lOrbav,  on  Nov. 
5th,  Old  Style,  an  auspicious  day  to  I^ni^lish  minds, 
because  it  was  the  anniversarv  of  the  deliverance  of 
Vaxwi  and  Parliament  from  the  Powder  Plot.  He 
was  <;ladly  received,  and  marched  slowly  towards 
London. 


298 


THE   ENGLISH  REVOLUTION, 


WILLIAM  IN  ENGLAND. 


299 


James  was  deserted  by  every  one — by  his  first  wife's 
relations,  by  his  most  trusted  captains,  by  his  army, 
by  the  clergy,  even   by  his   own   daughter  Anne  and 
her    husband.       Never    was    king     more   cruelly  dis- 
abused of  the  impressions  which  he  cherished  a  few 
weeks  before,  of  the  abiding  loyalt)'  of  his  people  to 
him.      He   made   no  stand    whatever,   indeed  he   did 
not  know  on  what  he  could  rely,  for  every  prop  of  his 
throne   had   crumbled    away.       For    a    time   he    had 
absolutely  n()  party  left.      It  is  doubtful  whether  even 
those    who    afterwards    professed    allegiance    to    him 
would   have   suffered   him    to    do    more    than    reign, 
without    being    allowed    to    govern.       Many  of    the 
Jacobites  of  later  times  would  ha\e  been  content,  if 
his    name    still    figured   on    coins,  was    kept  on    the 
Great   Seal,  and    was   put    in  the   preamble  of   writs 
and  grants,  that  he  should  live  in  exile,  the  powers  of 
government  being  committed  to  a  Regent  or  Regents. 
The  majority  of  Englishmen  believed  that  the  child 
was  a  fraud,  even  they  who  made  the  severest  sac- 
rifices   in    order    to    avoid    acknowledging    William. 
After  the  old  king's  death,  in  1701,  not  a  few  of  these 
took  the  oaths   to  the  new  settlement,  thus  showing 
that  they  had  no  belief  in  t^-'e  son. 

William  was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  re- 
straints which  the  Knglish  Parliament  imposed  on 
him.  He  expected  to  succeed,  if  not  to  the  powers 
which  his  predecessors  had  overstrained,  to  a  large 
prerogative  and  an  ample  revenue.  Hut  the  Parlia- 
ment determined  that  they  would  never  run  the  risk 
of  another  arbitrary  reign.  They  resolved  that  they 
should  be  permanently  necessary  to  any  government. 


So  they  limited  their  supplies  to  a  year,  in  order  to 
ensure  their  annual  sitting  and  an  annual  review  of 
the  expenditure.  They  did  not,  indeed,  meddle  with 
William's  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  for  the  diplomatic 
handling  of  which  long  years  of  scandalous  inactivity 
and  corruption  had  made  them  unfit  ;  but  they 
exercised  a  very  efficient  control  over  that,  without 
which  no  diplomacy  is  of  any  avail.  By  the  theory 
of  the  luiglish  constitution,  the  king  had  a  great 
prerogative,  and  was  untrammelled  in  many  ways. 
hy  the  theory  of  the  Dutch  constitution,  William  was 
only  the  elective  magistrate  of  a  republic,  the  States- 
General  of  which  could  reprimand,  order,  and  control 
him.  Hut  the  King  of  I^igland  exercised  far  more 
power  in  his  own  nation  than  he  did  in  his  adopted 
country.  Indeed  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  William's 
quarrels  with  his  English  Parliament  ruined  his  con- 
stitution and  shortened  his  life. 

Still  he  had  achieved  a  great  position,  and  one  of 
signal  service  to  his  country.  The  P^nglish  alliance 
was  permanently  .secured,  for  the  whole  nation  had 
deposed  the  old  king,  and  was  certain  to  stand  by  its 
act.  Even  those  who  began  to  wish  James  back, 
were  convinced  that  it  could  not  be  effected  by  the 
aid  of  Louis.  The  knowledge  that  England  had  been 
for  two  reigns  the  mere  tool  of  France,  made  even 
the  timid  and  treacherous  indignant  at  the  recurrence 
of  this  disgraceful  servitude.  War  was  certain  to  be 
declared,  and  war  with  the  object  of  restoring  James^ 
And  though  his  Parliament  quarrelled  with  William, 
thwarted,  and  vexed  him,  so  that  he  seriously  thought 
of  resigning  his  uneasy  dignity,  they  never  flinched 


/ 


300 


THE   EXGLISH   REVOLUTION. 


(lurlni^  the  eight  years' war  wliich  followed,  and  would 
not  make  peace  till  the  kini;-  of  the  Rcvohilion  was 
acknowledijed  bv  1^' ranee. 

The  Dutch  t')o  now  felt  themselves  in  a  condition 
of  comparative  safety.  It  is  true  that  thty  were 
necessarily  involved  in  a  war,  the  fust  ohjrel  <»f  whicli 
was  the  liberation  of  Mn^land  from  T^'ench  inlluences 
and  a  hated  sovereii^n  ;  but  there  was  no  prospect 
now  that  another  1672  was  before  them.  It  is  true 
that  thev  had  to  put  up  with  several  gallini;  condi- 
tions in  the  alliance  with  hjii;land,  and  to  endure  that 
commercial  jealousy  which  had  been  a  habit  with 
I'JiLjlish  traders  for  a  centiny.  They  could  i;(i  no 
relaxation  of  the  Xavi<4ation  Laws,  the  repa\  nient  of 
the  money  which  thev  ha.d  advanced  for  William's 
expedition  was  vexatitnisly  delayed,  and  the  luv^lish 
Government  insisted  that  the  Dutch  should  follow 
the  luiglish  practice,  to  make  pri/e  of  all  ships  which 
trafficked  with  the  public  enemy.  Now  the  Dutch, 
being  almost  entireh'  a  commercial  nation,  were  in 
the  habit  of  trafficking  even  with  thuir  o\\  n  enc^nics, 
and  the}-  were  very  unwilling  to  enter  into  an  arrange- 
ment by  which  they  should  intnuluce  neutrals  to  a 
trade  which  they  could  have  carried  on  on  their  own 
account.  Hut  they  yielded,  at  least  in  appearance, 
though  it  is  probable  that  they  were  not  \er\'  keen- 
sighted  or  very  diligent  in  carrying  out  this  part  of  the 
bargain.  It  is  noteworthy,  and  is  a  proof  of  the  extra- 
ordinarv  inlUience  which  William's  position  gave  him, 
that  after  his  death,  they  refused,  when  ancnher  war 
broke  out,  to  renew  this  engagement  with  his  successor. 

The   Dutch  complained  that  Willicun   made  them 


WILLIAM  DISTRUSTS    THE   ENGLISH. 


301 


the  instruments  of  his  English  policy  ;  the  English 
that  he  favoured  the  Dutch  at  their  expense,  that  he 
trusted  no  one  but  Dutch  counsellors,  and  relied  on 
nothing  but  Dutch  troops.     These  charges  probably 
show  that  William  did,  as  far  as  possible,  the  best  he 
could   by  both  nations.     It  was  difficult  for  him  to 
trust  luiglish  statesmen.     The  profligacy  of  Charles 
the    Second's    Court    had     seriously    degraded     the 
characters  of  public  men,  and  though  the  misconduct 
of  James  justified  the    Revolution,  the  dissimulation 
by  which  the  old  king  had  been  driven  to  his  ruin, 
had   made  even   the  agents  of  it,  though  they  had 
associated    with    William,    untrustworthw       In    the 
nature  of  things,  men  who  have  betrayed  one  master 
are  danijerous   instruments  for   another   to   use,  and 
William   soon   found   out   that  they   who   had    taken 
part   in   his  enterprize  were   in  correspondence   with 
the  exiled  king  ;  not,  I  believe,  because  they  seriously 
wished  or  intended  his  restoration,  but  from  ingrained 
habits  of  ])erfidy  and  intrigue.     But  William  always 
retained  the  affection  of  his  countrymen.      English- 
men who  accompanied  him  in  his  frequent  voyages 
to  the   1 1  ague  were  amazed  to  see  how  cordially  he 
was  received,  how  his  cold    manner  thawed,  and  his 
grave  face  was  relaxed  when  he  was  among  the  Dutch. 
It   was  also  quite  clear    that    the    English    would 
emi)loy  many  men   and  spend  much  money  in  the 
war.      Now  this  meant   the  negotiation  of    English 
remittances  to  Amsterdam,  and  good  business  at  its 
famous  bank.     Voy  at  this  time  Amsterdam  was  the 
commercial  centre  of  luirope,  and  its  bank  contained 
more  specie  than  all  the  treasuries  of  the  European 


302 


THE   ENGLISH   RESOLUTION. 


states.  They  who  have  studied  the  history  of  the 
exchani^cs  at  this  time  eaii  chscover  how  enormous 
was  the  profit  wliich  the  l^ank  made  on  the  negotia- 
tion of  English  bills.  I  have  little  doubt  that  this 
profit  went  a  great  way  towards  compensating^  Hol- 
land for  the  costs  which  the  war  involved,  and  thouL^h 
the  Bank  was  not  a  State  institution,  whose  profits 
went  to  the  State  treasury,  yet  it  was  under  the 
mana*^emcnt  of  the  municipal  authorities  of  that  city, 
and  its  property  to  a  very  large  e.\tent  was  theirs. 

The  Dutch,  who  were  before  so  averse  to  war,  now 
requested  William  that  he  would  declare  war  against 
France,  a  request  which  he  was  very  ready  to  gratif)'. 
Louis  had  declared  war  asjainst  Holland  immediateh' 
on  William's  l.uulin<j:,  not  alleging  this  as  the  irason 
for  hostilities,  for  it  was  not  yet  clear  that  the  ex- 
pedition would  be  successful  ;  but  stating  that  the 
States  had  resisted  the  election  of  his  creature  to  the 
see  of  Cologne.  At  the  same  time  he  declared  war 
against  Spain,  on  the  ground  that  the  governor  of  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  had  connived  at  William's  ex- 
pedition. He  had  already  quarrelled  with  the  Em- 
peror of  Germany,  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  and  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  whom  he  had  previously  insulted 
and  humbled.  William,  therefore,  had  no  difficulty 
in  consolidating  the  Grand  Alliance,  the  members  of 
which  engaged  them.seKcs  not  to  make  peace  with 
France,  unless  Europe  was  restored  to  the  condition 
in  which  it  was  left  by  the  treaties  of  Westphalia  and 
the  Pyrenees.  From  the  days  of  the  Grand  Alliance, 
French  historians  of  capacity  reckon  the  decline  of 
the  French  monarchy. 


( 


XXXH. 

THE    WAK    OF     1689    'lO    THK     PEACE     OF     RVSW ICK 

1697. 

Popular  as  William  was  with  his  countrymen,  he 
always  had  differences  with  the  city  of  Amsterdam. 
This  rich  seat  of  commerce  was  proud  of  its  municipal 
privileges,   and  jealous  of  any   interference   with   its 
municipal    independence.      Amsterdam,    in    common 
with   the  other  Dutch  towns,  had   been    induced    to 
submit  the  officers  whom  it  appointed  to  civil  office, 
to   the   approval    of   the   Stadtholdcr.      Now,  taking 
advantage  of  William's  absence,  they  presented  their 
nominees  to   the    Court  of   Holland,  on  the  ground 
that   in    the   absence   of   the   Stadtholdcr,  they   were 
acting  under  their  charter.     But  the  State  declined  to 
act  on  their  recommendation,  or  to  accept  their  view 
of  the  charter,  and  after  a  somewhat  angry  quarrel  the 
city  had  to  yield. 

Again  they  took  offence  at  Bentinck,  the  favourite 
counsellor  of  the  king,  who  had  been  raised  to  the 
l^^nglish  peerage,  and  to  the  great  dissatisfaction  of 
the  English  nobility,  had  been  lavishly  enriched  by 


304 


FROM   1689   TO   1697. 


William,  while  retaining  his  place  as  a  Dutch  noble  in 
the  States.  They  allej^^ed  that  he  had  transferred  his 
allegiance  to  another  sovereign,  that  he  was  natu- 
ralized in  another  country,  and  was  therefore  no 
longer  a  Hollander.  But  here,  again,  they  were 
opposed  by  the  rest  of  Holland,  and  after  having 
excited  the  vehement  anger  of  Will ia in,  were  obliged 
to  give  way.  I  refer  to  these  facts  in  order  to  show 
how  considerable  was  William's  influence  in  his  native 

country,  where  he  was  able 
to     override  the    strongly 
expressed  wishes    of  Am- 
stcrdain.    In  the  same  wav 
William  blockaded  and  re- 
duced the  tow  n  of  Goes  for 
venturing  to  resist  his  au- 
thority.    He  was  far  more 
^    powerful   in   Holland  than 
■^    in   England,  and  certainly 
in  the  face  of  the  trouble 
lOi^m^^^    before  them,  it   was  expe- 
—    dient    that    the    executive 
z-    should  be  strengthened. 

It  is  true  that  the 
pride  and  aggressiveness 
of  Louis  were  irritating  the  whole  of  lun'ope.  The 
outrageous  violence  of  the  French  armies  in  the 
Palatinate  had  revived  the  worst  memories  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  Louis  was  urging  the  Turks  to 
attack  Germany  on  the  east,  in  order  to  prevent 
Germany  from  resisting  his  aggressions.  He  was 
threatening    the    house    of    Savoy   on    the    Italian 


Alk.maar  windows. 


THE   ALLIES. 


305 


frontier,  and  harassing  Charles  the  Second  on  the 
Spanish.  He  had  occupied  the  papal  dominions  in 
Avignon,  and  had  annexed  them.  Every  one  of  his 
neighbours  was  irritated  and  alarmed,  and  it  was  not 
difficult,  at  least  on  paper,  to  construct  the  Grand 
Alliance  referred  to  in  the  last  chapter.  But  it  was 
not  so  easy  to  put  the  Alliance  in  motion. 

Holland  and  l^ngland  were  the  two  countries  which 
really  resisted  with  any  effect  the  power  of  the  French 
king.  Spain  was  political!)-  helpless.  Her  vast  em- 
pire w.is  an  encumbrance  rather  than  an  aid.  A 
century  and  a  half  of  the  worst  possible  kind  of  govern- 
ment had  ruined  the  Spanish  provinces  in  America. 
The  Government  of  Spain  itself  was  as  demoralizing 
and  di.-.<i>trous  as  that  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  Spanish 
statesmen  were  incredibly  corrupt  and  rapacious,  and 
the  body  o(  the  people  of  Spain  was  sunk  in  sloth 
and  apathy.  Industry  was  held  in  dishonour.  Public 
spirit  was  lost.  The  old  discipline  of  the  Spanish 
army  had  passed  away.  It  is  tiue  that  Spanish  pride 
still  survived,     l^ut  it  was  pride  without  energy. 

Leopold  of  Germany,  who  reigned  from  1658  to 
1705,  was  a  narrow,  selfish,  sordid  bigot.  He  had  to 
defend  himself  from  the  Turks  in  the  I^ast,  and  the 
I'rench  in  the  West.  His  wisdom  would  have  been 
by  timely  and  generous  conciliation,  to  have  united, 
in  the  l)onds  of  a  common  interest,  all  the  parts  of  his 
iil-cemented  empire  against  the  common  enemy  and 
the  common  danger.  Put  he  was  far  more  interested 
in  persecuting  his  Protestant  subjects  than  in  secur- 
ing them  against  foreign  foes.  Besides,  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  had  ruined  Germany.  The  country  needed 


304 


FROM    16S9    TO    1697. 


William,  while  retaining:  his  place  as  a  Dutch  noble  in 
the  States.  They  allei^ed  that  he  liad  transferred  his 
allei^iance  to  another  sovereii^n,  that  he  was  natu- 
ralized in  .mother  country,  and  was  therefore  no 
longer  a  Ilollander.  lUit  liere,  ai;ain,  tlic}-  were 
op[K)sed  In-  the  rest  of  Holland,  and  after  havinj^ 
excited  the  \-ehement  aniJer  of  William,  wcic  ohliired 
to  nrfvc  \va\-.  I  refer  to  these  facts  in  order  t»)  show 
how  considerable  was  William's  intlurnce  in  his  native 

country,  where  he  was  able 
to  override  the  >Uuni;ly 
expressed  wishes  of  Am- 
sterdam. In  thr  same  way 
W  illiam  l)locka<l(Ml  and  re- 
",-^  duced  the  low  n  of  (iors  for 
venturing;  to  resist  his  au- 
thoritw  lie  was  far  more 
powerful  in  Holland  thin 
in  lui^land,  and  certainly 
in  the  face  of  the  trouble 
before  them,  it  was  expe- 
dient that  the  executive 
should  be  streui^thened. 

It  is  true  that  the 
pride  and  ai^L;ressiv^eness 
of  Louis  were  irritatin^T  the  whole  of  h:uro[)e.  The 
outra-eous  \  iolcucu  oi  the  French  armies  in  the 
I'alatinate  had  revived  the  worst  memories  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  Louis  was  urL,n'n<,r  the  Turks  to 
attack  Germany  on  the  east,  in  order  to  prevent 
German)'  troin  resisiin^c,^  his  ai;^ressions.  lie  was 
threatenin<;    the    house    of    Savoy   on    the     Italian 


AI.KMAAK    WINDOWS. 


THE   ALLIES. 


305 


frontier,  and  harassini^  Charles  tlie  Second  on  the 
Spani--h.  1  L'  hatl  occupied  the  papal  dominions  in 
Avii^non.  and  had  annexed  them,  luery  one  of  his 
neij^hbours  was  irritated  and  alarmed,  and  it  was  not 
difficult,  at  least  on  j)a})er,  to  construct  the  (irand 
Alliance  referred  to  in  the  last  cliapter.  Lut  it  was 
not  so  u.i^\'  to  put  th''  Alliance  in  motion. 

Holland  and  I^nLiland  were  the  two  countries  which 
realK'  resisted  with  any  effect  the  power  of  the  T^rench 
kini;.  Spain  was  politicall\'  lu^lpless.  Her  vast  em- 
pire ua>  an  encumbranee  rather  than  an  aid.  A 
century  and  a  half  of  the  worst  possible  kind  of  i^overn- 
ment  had  ruined  tin-  Spanish  provinces  in  America. 
The  (lo\crmnent  of  Spain  itself  was  as  demondi/.ini^ 
and  disastrous  as  that  of  Mexico  and  I'eru.  Spanish 
statesmen  were  incredibly  corrupt  and  rapacious,  and 
the  body  of  the  peoi)le  of  Spain  was  sunk  in  sloth 
and  apathw  Industry  was  held  in  dishonour.  Public 
spirit  was  lost.  The  old  discipline  of  the  Spanish 
army  liad  passed  awa\ .  It  is  tiue  that  Spanish  pride 
still  survived.     Hut  it  was  pride  without  eneri^y. 

Leop(>ld  of  German)',  who  reigned  from  1658  to 
1705,  was  a  narrow,  selfish,  sordid  bii;()t.  He  had  to 
defend  himself  from  the  Turks  in  the  I^ast,  and  the 
P'rench  in  the  West.  His  wisdom  would  have  been 
b)'  timel)-  and  i^tnerous  conciliation,  to  have  united, 
in  the  bonds  of  a  connnon  interest,  all  the  parts  of  his 
ill-cemented  empire  against  the  common  enemy  and 
the  connnon  daui^er.  Hut  he  was  far  more  interested 
in  per>ecutinL;  his  Hrotestant  subjects  than  in  secur- 
ing them  ai^ainst  foreii^n  foes.  Hesides,  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  had  ruined  German\'.  The  countr\'  needed 


3o6 


FROM   16S9   TO   1697. 


union  even  more  than  peace,  in  order  to  recover  itself, 
and  Germany  was  divided  against  itself.  The  future 
of  Europe  seemed  almost  hopeless  in  1689.  There 
were  no  powers  in  the  civilized  world  which  could  be 
relied  on -in  the  coming  struggle  except  Holl.ind  and 
the  newly-enfranchised  kingdom  of  luigland. 

William  had  a  far  harder  task  with  the  country 
which  accepted  rather  than  welcomed  him,  than  he 
had  with  his  native  country.  At  first  all  seemed  to 
go  well.  The  defection  from  James  was  universal  in 
Great  l^ritain,  and  the  exiled  family  never  had  any 
real  party  in  the  country  again.  Hut  in  Ireland 
William  had  to  fight  for  his  crown,  and  the  concjuest 
of  Ireland  occupied  all  the  energies  of  the  Ijiglish 
Government  during  the  first  years  of  the  Revolution, 
and  there  was  but  a  faint  opposition  to  Louis  and  his 
projects.  They  were  apparently  near  to  being  rea- 
lized. In  Flanders,  Luxemburg  won  the  battles  of 
Fleurus,  Steinkirk,  and  Neerwinden  ;  in  Western  Italy, 
Catinat  was  victorious  at  Staffard  and  Marsaille  ; 
and  Tourville,  the  PVench  admiral,  inflicted  serious 
and  apparently  irreparable  damage  on  the  combined 
Dutch  and  h:nglish  fleets  at  Beachy  Head.  The 
strong  fortresses  of  Mons  and  Namur  were  captured, 
and  it  seemed  that  the  immediate  object  of  the 
French  king's  ambition  would  be  attained  in  the  con- 
quest of  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  The  military 
reputation  of  France  remained  at  the  highest  as  long 
as  Luxemburg  lived.  Me  died  at  the  end  of  the 
year  1694,  when  his  services  were  most  needed. 

William  was  unfortunate  as  a  commander,  for  he  had 
to  fight  against  the  most  accomplished  generals  which 


WILLIAM   NO   GREAT   GENERAL. 


307 


the  art  of  war  had  yet  produced.  Me  was  defeated 
in  every  pitched  battle  which  he  fought  in  Europe. 
But  it  was  early  noticed  that  he  lost  less  by  a  defeat 
than  other  generals.  Mis  power  of  recovery  after  a 
repulsK}  was  remarkable  and  continual.  The  victories 
of  Louis,  therefore,  in  the  Low  Countries  were  com- 
paratively barren,  and  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the 
Dutch  and  English  made  it  plain  at  last  that  the  con- 
quest of  IHanders,  if  it  were  ever  to  be  effected, 
would  be  accomplislied  only  after  a  prolon;jcd  and 
ruinous  struggle.  "  The  last  pistole  wins,"  was  the 
frequent  comment  of  Louis,  but  as  yet  he  did  not 
L^ess  where  this  would  be  found.  In  course  of  time, 
he  discovered  that  the  resources  of  England  and 
Holland  were  greater  than  those  of  France,  and  that 
they  would  come  out  of  the  war  with  undiminished 

powers. 

The  first  serious  check  which  Louis  suffered  was 
the  battle  of  La  Mogue,  fought  on  May  19,  1692. 
The  exiled  king,  James,  deceived  by  his  correspon- 
dents, and  still  more  deceived  by  the  hopes  which 
exiles  always  entertain,  was  under  the  impression  that 
an  invasion  of  England  would  not  only  be  feasible  but 
successful.  Me  had  been  assured  that  it  would  be  so 
by  the  Jacobites  and  malcontent  Whigs  ;  he  was  under 
the  impression  that  the  seamen  in  the  fleet  desired  to 
restore  him,  and  would  refuse  to  fight  against  the 
French,  and  he  had  actually  been  in  correspondence 
with  Russel,  the  admiral.  But  the  King  of  France 
had  always  been  dissuaded  from  the  project  by 
Louvois,  and  Louvois  was  a  person  whose  advice 
Louis  could  not  disregard,  for  he  had  done  more  to 


3o8 


FROM   1689    TO    1697. 


secure  the  military  supremacy  of  Louis  than  any  man 
living.  ]{ut  on  July  6,  1691,  Louvois  died  suddenly 
after  an  mtcrview  «ith  the  kin-  uhen  high  words 
passed  betu-ccn  them.  Though  the  quarrel  had  been 
so  angrx-,  the  king  appointed  the  son  of  his  late 
mm.ster  to  the  office  which  his  father  had  held,  and 
with  the  most  unfortunate  results. 

Louis  now  determined  to  invade  England,  with  an 
army  of  French  and  Irish  troops-those  Irish  troops 
which,   after  the  surrender  of  Limerick,   had   passed 
over  to  the  i'Vench  king's  service.     It  was  impossible 
to  conceive  a  worse  act  of  imprudence  than  to  attempt 
an  invasion  of  l-ngland  with  Irish  forces.     Nothin- 
had  contributed  more  to  the  downfall  of  James  than 
the  collection  of  an  Irish  army  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  London.      In  the  hands  of  the   ICnglish    enemy 
whose  name  was  an  object   of  absolute   detestation 
throughout  England,  the  enrolment  of  such  an  army 
would  be  sure  to  excite  the  most  stubborn  resistance 
even  from  those  who  had  hitherto  been  disaffected  or 
mutinous.       For   the    English   people,   and,   for   the 
matter  of  that,  the  Dutch,  however  much  they  may 
have    <|uanelled    or     grumbled    when    danger    was 
remote,  have  always  forgotten   their  differences  and 
made   an    effective  truce  as  soon  as  ever  dan-er  is 
near.     In  order  to  still  more  irritate  his  formed  sub- 
jects against  him,  James  put  out  a  manifesto,  in  which 
he  pro.scr,bed  the  nation   whom   he  imagined   to  be 
anxious    for  his   restoration.     The   Government   very 
wiseK-  reprinted  this  insane  document,  with  .some  very 
natural  and  practical  comments. 

The  fleet  which  was  to  convoy  the  three  hundred 


THE   BATTLE   OF  LA    HOGUE. 


309 


transports  to  ICngland  consisted  of  seventy-nine  .ships 
of  the  line,  some  of  them  being  the  finest  which  the 
dockyards   of    Brest    and     Toulon    had    turned    out- 
Tourville    was   again    commander,  and    was   strictly 
ordered  to  fight,  and  it  was  determined  to  undertake 
the  enterprise  before  the  English  and  Dutch  fleet  had 
"ot  to  sea.     In  order  to  assure  himself,  James  had 
sent    his    emissaries    among    the    English    admirals. 
Some  of  them  gave  these  agents  fair  words,  and  forth- 
with communicated  their  information  to  the  English 
Government.     The  anxiety  which  the  banished  king 
felt,    and   his    desire    to    acquaint    himself   with    the 
streniith  of  the  feelinij  in  his  favour,  while  it  deceived 
him,  undeceived  and  forewarned  the  administration. 
The  weather  in  the  Channel  is  always  capricious,  and 
the  time  for  the  rendezvous  had  long  passed  by,  and 
the  Erench  line  was  not  \'et  formed. 

The  combined  luiglish  and  Dutch  fleet  was  superior 
in  numbers  to  that  of  the  Erench,  but  in  the  first  part 
of  the  battle  the  vessels  engaged,  owing  to  the  state 
of  the  wind,  were  about  equal  on  both  sides.       But, 
after  the  contest  had  been  prolonged  for  five  hours, 
and  Tourville  saw  that  he  had  no  immediate  prospect 
of  a  successful  invasion,  the  wind  changed,  and  the 
whole  allied  fleet  was  able  to  take  part  in  the  battle. 
It  was  soon  over,  and  the  relics  of  the  iMcnch  arma- 
ment fled  to  Cherbourg  and   La  Mogue,  where  the 
army  of  invasion  was  waiting  to  embark.      On   the 
24th    of    May,    after    five    days'    incessant    fighting, 
the   Erench  fleet  was  totally  destroyed.      All  hopes 
of  naval  supremacy  passed  away  from  r>ance.  There 
was    hardly    any    naval  victory   which  caused  more 


Jio 


FROM    i68(J    TO    1697. 


national  exultation  both  in  lui-land  and  Holland 
than  that  of  La  Ilo-ue.  The  great  commerce  of  the 
Re])ublic  was  now  placed  in  comparative  safety,  and 
the  last  pistole  was  more  likely  than  ever  to  be  in  the 
Banks  of  Amsterdam  and  London. 

Still,  the  Grand  Alliance  was  very  nearly  collapsinLr. 
The  northern  Powers  of  Denmark  and  Sweden   never 
very  hearty  in  their  co-oj^eration,  be-an  to  <,r,c,vv  cool 
and  finally  even  hostile.     The  several  powers  of  Ger- 
many    threatened    to    make    a    separate    peace    with 
1^ ranee   if  they  were  not  handsomely  bribed.     They 
even  went  so  far  as  to  state  that  Louis  was  ready  to 
pay  them  for  desertin-  the  common  cause,  and  that  it 
was  therefore  the  policy  of  En-land  and  Holland  to 
outbid    Louis.     Even    the    German    emperor    was   of 
opinion,  and  pretty  clearly  expressed    it,  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  En-land  and   Holland  to  undertake  the 
defence  of  his  own  frontier,  and  t<>  find  him  money  for 
the  purpose  of  enablin-  hiin  to  achieve  further  con- 
quests over  the  Turks.     "  I  cannot."  said  William,  in 
wnt.n-   to   his   fricid    Heinsius,   ''offer  a   suggestion 
without   being   met    with   a  demand   for   a    subsidy" 
But    William    succeeded     in     keeping    the    coalition 
together,  by  giving  these  royal  mendicants,  not  all  that 
they  asked,  but  more  than  they  had  a  right  to  expect. 
He  saved  the  alliance,  but  he  found  it  hard  to  induce 
the  allies  to  fight. 

The  Spanish  Government,  at  last  seriously  alarmed 
offered  W  illiam  the  regency  of  the  Netherlands,  l^ut 
Wilham  refused  it.  He  knew  that  \{  he  took  it  the 
religious  differences  between  the  ruler  and  people 
would  make  his  authority  precarious.     The  Nether- 


THE   FAMINE. 


311 


lands,  once  the  most  Protestant  country  in  Europe, 
had  now,  thanks  to  the  Inquisition,  become  as  Catholic 
as  Spain  itself,  and  much  more  restive.  It  was  not 
possible  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  to  restore 
the  Pacification  of  Ghent.  He  therefore  recommended 
the  nomination  of  the  r:iector  of  Bavaria,  who  had  good 
reason  for  being  the  enemy  of  France.  A  few  years 
later,  the  Pllector  found  its  friendship  even  more  mis- 
chievous. But  the  delay  and  half-heartedness  of 
the  allies  led  to  the  loss  of 
Namur. 

And  now  a  series  of  events 
were  recurring,  of  which  his- 
torians are  apt  to  take  no 
notice,  but  which  had  more 
to  do  with  the  rapid  exhaus- 
tion of  France  than  any 
defeats  or  victories  could 
have.  The  harvest  of  1692 
was  unfavourable,  and  for 
six  or  seven  years  the  har- 
vests in  Western  Europe 
remained  unfavourable.  In 
a  country  like  luigland,  where  ordinary  prices 
were  nearly  doubled,  much  distress  prevailed.  In 
P>ance,  where  the  peasant  farmer  was  forced  to  bear 
nearly  all  the  charges  of  government,  the  cost  of  the 
buildin-s  at  Versailles  and  IVIarli,  and  the  cost  of  the 
great  king's  army,  the  calamity  was  ruinous.  In 
Holland,  which  imported  nine-tenths  of  its  food,  and 
had  a  habit  of  keeping  a  store  at  Amsterdam,  which 
would  be  sufficient  for  the  wants  of  two  or  three  years, 


liHilS    HEAD. 


312 


FROM    1689    TO    1697. 


ivhich  it  imported  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  whence 
food  could  be  got,  the  rise  in  prices  was  inconvenient, 
but  not  disastrous.  The  period  from  1692  to  1698 
mclusive  was  long  remembered  in  tradition  as  the 
seven  dear  years. 

The  year  1693  and  1694  were  marked  by  brilliant 
victories,by  h()rriblecruelties,by  great  sufferings, but  by 
small  militar)' results.  Louis  began  to  find  his  resources 
fail  him.  l^ut  in  the  second  of  these  years,  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Hank  of  England  at  once  contributed  and 
utilized  the  resources  of  the  country.  In  1695. 
William  undertook  and  achieved  the  recapture  of 
Namur,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  Louis,  l^arly  in  the 
next  year,  Louis  was  uncjuestionably  privy  as  was  also 
James,  to  a  plot  devised  for  the  murder  of  William, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  Berwick  was  sent  to 
England  in  order  to  encourage,  if  not  to  advise,  the 
conspirators.  The  plot  failed,  the  culprits  being 
detected  and  executed,  as  indeed  all  other  conspiracies 
against  William's  life  failed. 

At  last  both  sides  were  exhausted.  Louis  was  read\' 
to  acknowledge  William's  title,  and  William  saw  that 
for  a  time  the  Netherlands,  the  ban  ler  of  1  folland,  were 
safe,  l^ut  the  Powers  which  .sacrificed  the  least,  and 
got  the  largest  subsidies  through  the  war,  put  forward 
the  most  preposterous  claims.  Spain  and  Austria 
demanded  what  Louis  was  not  likely  to  grant,  and 
they  had  no  power  of  enforcing.  The  absurd  for- 
malities of  diplomacy  seemed  likely  to  postpone  the 
settlement  to  an  indeterminate  date,  when  William 
and  Bentinck  entered  into  a  distinct  negotiation  with 
the   French  envoy,  and   rapidly  settled   the  terms  of 


PEACE   OF   RYSWICK. 


313 


peace.  The  arrangement  nearly  fell  through  owing 
to  the  selfish  and  dilatory  action  of  Spain  and  Austria, 
which  gave  Louis  an  opportunity  of  insisting  on  the 
retention  of  Strasburg.  On  the  loth  of  September 
the  treaty  was  signed,  and  the  first  part  of  this  long 
war  with  France  was  ended. 


k 


xxxni. 

FROM   TFIE    PEACE   OF  RVSWICK   TO  THE   TREATY   OF 

UTRECHT. 

As  soon  as  ever  the  power  of  Louis  failed  to  make 
progress,  it  began  to  decline.     We  know  this  now  by 
the  evidence  of  facts.     I^ut  the  terror  of  Europe  after 
the  accession   of  Phihp  to  the  throne  of  Spain,  and 
the  apparent  union  of  all  Western   luirope,  Central 
America,  and  the  west  coast  of  South  America  under 
one  master  head,  or  at  least  under  one  settled  policy, 
was  universal  and  intelligible.     No  man  at  the  time 
could  have  foreseen  that  the  ambition  and  cupidity  of 
Louis,  the  success  with  which   he  subdued  his  nobles 
and  people  at  home,  and   the  success  with  which  he 
gratified    his   ambition    abroad,  would    in   time  bring 
about  by  natural  and  traceable  causes,  the  great  catas- 
trophe  which    is    known    in    history    as    the    French 
Revolution.     lUit  of  all  European  countries  none  had 
so  reasonable  a  fear  as   the   Dutch.     The  inheritance 
of  Spain  included  those  provinces  which  William  the 
Silent  had  nearly  gained  to  the  great  confederation, 
and  Alva  and  Parma  had  securely  recovered  for  Spain. 


THE    DUTCH   Ah  RAID   OF   LOUIS, 


315 


A  wealthy,  vigorous,  and  powerful  monarch,  who  had 
trained  all  the  commanders  of  Europe,  even  those  who 
were  to  be  opposed  to  him,  ]\Lirlborough  and  Eugene, 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  poor,  imbecile,  and  power- 
less kings  of  Spain  of  the  Austrian  family  in  the 
person  of  Philip's  grandson,  and  the  most  able  oppo- 
nent of  the  iMcnch  king  had  just  died  in  what  should 
have  been  the  prime  of  life,  worn  out  by  the  folly, 
.short-sightedness,  and  factiousness  of  the  luiglish 
Parliament.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  wife's  sister, 
Anne,  the  silliest  person  who  ever  sat  on  the  luiglish 
throne,  and  was  really  strong  only  by  the  unbounded 
deference  she  showed  to  Sarah,  the  imperious  wife  of 
Marlborough. 

Ever  since  reaching  his  majority  and  the  conduct  of 
affairs  by  himself,  Louis  had  been  conspiring  against 
the  Dutch  Republic.  He  had  conspired  against  them 
independently,  and  in  concert  with  Charles,  the  pro- 
fligate whom  the  pjiglish  aristocracy  restored,  and 
whose  career  inflicted  permanent  injury  on  the  public 
and  private  nu)rality  of  the  people  he  was  allowed  to 
rule  over.  He  had  tried  as  soon  as  he  could  to  detach 
the  Stadtholdcr  William  from  all  patriotic  aims,  and  it 
is  not  improbable  that  William  so.  far  went  with  his 
intrigues  as  to  acquiesce  in  the  murder  of  the  De 
Wins,  the  tragedy  which  followed  on  the  unprovoked 
war  of  1672.  But  as  we  have  seen,  when  William  in 
this  crisis  was  raised  to  the  Stadtholderate,  he  became 
the  persistent  and  active  enemy  of  Louis.  He  was  not 
strong  enough  to  grapple  with  him,  but  he  succeeded 
in  checking  him,  and  though  the  issues  of  the  wars 
which  ended  with  the  peace  of  Nimeguen,  and  the 


3i6 


FROM   THE   PEACE   OF  KYSWICK. 


treaty  of  Ryswick,  had  left  the  position  of  Louis  to 
all  appearance  stron^^er  and  more  iniposini^r  than  ever, 
the  successes  of  the  great  king  would  have  been  more 
secure  and  more  pronounced  had  not  William  stood 
in  his  way.     And  now  William  was  gone. 

It  is  probable  that  Louis  never  wished  to  effect  the 
conquest  and  annexation  of  the  Dutch  Re[)ublic,  any 
more  than  Philip  of  Macedon  wished  to  effect  the  sub- 
jugation of  Athens.  Ikit  it  was  all  iini)ortant  to  make 
it  submissive,  or  at  least,  neutral.  Had  Louis  suc- 
ceeded in  his  plans,  had  he  secured  the  frontier  of  the 
Rhine,  and  permanently  disorganized  the  Roman 
empire,  he  might  have  given  Holland  the  boon  which 
the  grateful  C\clops  in  his  den  offered  Ulys.ses,  that 
of  being  devoured  the  last.  \W  the  neutrality  of 
Holland  he  would  have  deprived  the  Alliance  of  one 
among  the  Powers  who  could  find  money  for  the  war, 
the  other  being  Great  Britain,  and  the  people  of 
Great  Britain  could  hardly  have  been  counted  on  for 
all  the  expense  which  the  Spanish  war  of  succession 
would  be  sure  to  entail.  Ik-sides,  if  Holland  were 
neutral,  it  would  soon  be  possible  to  cripi)le  the  Iji'dish 
trade  m  thj  Last,  and  finally  to  come  to  close  (juarters 
with  the  Dutch.  For  nearly  a  centur\',  the  hVench 
strove  to  acquire  the  British  factories  in  India,  and  the 
British  plantations  in  America.  In  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  it  seemed  far  from  improbable 
that  they  would  succeed.  Clive  defeated  their  aims 
in  India,  and  the  fir^t  exploits  of  Washington  were 
directed  against  them  in  America.  But  the  military 
purposes  which  were  finally  baffled  in  the  .Seven  Years' 
War  werethe  outcome  of  projects  which  were  originally 
devised  by  the  ambition  of  Louis. 


CHARACTER    OF   LOUIS. 


317 


Again  the  Dutch  had  reason  to  be  alarmed  at  the 
intolerance    of    Louis,    who    was   as    resolute    in    his 
attempts  to  extirpate  Protestantism  as  the  Inquisition 
and  Alva  had  been.    Louis  was  not  a  moral  person,  not 
even,  except  in  outward  form,  a  religious  one.     Philip 
of  Spain  sincerely  believed  that  he  was  fulfilling  the 
hif^hest  duties  of   a    Christian  in  burning   Jews  and 
heretics  alive  after  torture.      He  would  have  sacrificed 
his  own  family  to  the  Inquisition  if  any  suspicion  of 
heresy  could  have  been  brought  home  to  them.     He 
would  have  given  up  his  own  life,  so  he  said,  if  he  had 
fallen  away,  through  mental  aberration,  or  demoniac 
possession,  from  the  faith  which  the  council  of  Trent 
defined.     He  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  yield  to 
the  Pope    or  his    own  bishops  in    temporal    matters, 
however  submissive  he  was  in  s[)iritual  things,  for  he 
kept  the  patronage  of  ecclesiastical  offices  strictly  in 
his  own  hands.       But   Philip  sincerely  and  devoutly 
believed  what  he  wished  to  impress  on  others.     Within 
the   circle   of  orthodoxy    he    welcomed    ascetic    and 
passionate  devotion,  and  was  as  much  a  monk  himself 
as  his  official  industry  allowed  him  to  be. 

But  Louis  was  by  no  means  of  this  mind.  He  was 
orthodox,  for  to  his  view  the  unity  and  strength  of 
France  lay  in  the  completeness  of  its  orthodoxy.  But 
he  browbeat  and  insulted  the  head  of  his  Church  with 
nearly  as  much  persistent  bitterness  as  his  ancestor, 
Philip  the  Fair  did  l^oniface  the  Lighth.  I  le  despoiled 
the  Pope  of  his  ancient  inheritance  in  JMance,  and 
never  restored  it.  In  consequence  of  this  quarrel  a 
third  of  the  French  dioceses  were  at  one  time  empty, 
and  this  in  a  Church  where   the  offices  of  a  bishop 


3i8 


FROM    THE   PEACE   OF  RYSWICK. 


were   considered    essential    to   salvation.       He  hated 
heartily  all  pious    enthusiasm.       The    Ouictists  were 
orthodox,    but    they    fell    under    his    ban,    and    were 
repressed  or  exiled.      The   Jansenists  set  up  a    rule 
of  exalted    moralit\-,  of  severe    truthfulness,  of  ri<^id 
but  not  unkindly  piety,  and    Louis    was    implacable 
towards  them.     His  own  court  was  entirely  orthodox, 
and  profoundly  immoral.     The  f.ict  is,  Louis  detested 
sin^rularity.     He  saw  in  it  a  revolt  from  his  authority. 
No  one  was  to  be  wiser,  stricter,  and   more  virtuous 
than  the  Kin;^^  of  iMance  was.      For  this  view  he  had 
some  excuse  in  the  history  of  the  countr\-  over  which 
he  ruled,  for  the  ilu-uenot  nobles,  with  all  the  stern- 
ness of  their  reh\i,n'on,  were  somewhat  turbulent  sub- 
jects, and  Louis,  like  many  other  rulers,  believed   that 
the    repression    of    opinion    was    the    extinction    of 
opinion. 

The  Hollanders  had  now  become  tolerant,  and  could 
not  at  last  be  roused  to  bigotry  by  the  most  impas- 
sioned and  unsparing  of  their  Calvinist  preachers. 
But  they  could  see  that  a  powerful,  unscrui)ulous, 
and  intolerant  neighbour,  with  whom  religion  was 
policy,  was  a  danger.  In  common,  too,  with  most 
Reformed  countries  and  with  not  a  few  of  those  which 
were  Catholic,  they  had  a  hearty  aversion  to  the 
Jesuits  and  with  reason  suspected  their  purposes.  To 
their  intrigues  they  ascribed  the  revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  the  atrocities  that  were  perpetrated 
in  the  Cevennes,  and  the  war  of  despair,  which  the 
Camisards  began,  a  war,  the  particulars  of  which  were 
as  atrocious  as  those  of  the  Reign  of  Terror  ninety 
years  later.     Now  iMigli^h  wits  could  jest  about  John 


PERFIDY   OF  LOUIS, 


319 


Bull,  and  Lord  Strutt,  and   Louis  Baboon,  and  Nick 
r>og  ;  but  the  King  of  h^ance  was  a  far  more  serious 
person  to  the  Hollanders  than  he  was  to  the   English. 
But  the  principal  cause  of  alarm  which  the  European 
Powers  entertained  about  Louis  and  his  designs  was 
the  total  want  of  faith  and  honour  which  characterized 
the  great  king.      He  was  as  perfidious,  as  treacherous, 
;is  lying  as  an   Italian  i)upil  of  Machiavelli.      He  was 
an  intriguer  of  the  fifteenth  century,  holding  a  powerful 
place  in  lun'oj^e  in  the  eighteenth.     No  oath,  no  treaty 
bound  him.     If  people  pointed  to  his  solemn  renun- 
ciations   he    had    an    easy  expedient  at   hand.       His 
parliament,    otherwise  submissive    and    docile,   stiffly 
stood  out  against  his  relincjuishing   an\thing.      Hie 
Popes  used  to  absolve  kings  from  their  oaths  for  a 
consideration,    the    P^rench    Parliament,  high-minded 
and  resolute  only  in  this,  affirmed  that  his  oath  was 
no  oath,  and  Louis  expected  the  luu'opean  Powers  to 
be  satisfied  with  an  interpretation  of  public  duty  and 
good  faith  with  which  the  servile  lawyers,  who  formed 
what  was  called  the  PVench  Parliament,  supplied  him. 
Now  a  sovereign  of  great  power,  of  solid  purpose,  of 
tenacious  will,  who  has  large  armies  and  large  means 
for  keeping  them  afoot,  is  a  ver\'  dangerous  person  at 
all  times.     But  if  to  these  resources  he  adds  habitual 
perfid}',  and  an  utter  disregard   for  the  most  solemn 
pledges  ;  the  distrust  which    he  naturally   excites  is 
pretty  certain  to  develop  a  very  energetic  and  persis- 
tent hatred.     Nor  do  I  doubt  that,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  P^nglish  Tories,  when    thc\'    finally    acquired    an 
ascendency  in   Parliament,  and  over    the  councils  of 
Anne,  Marlborough  would  have  dictated  the  terms  of 


I 


i 

Im 

W I 


3^0 


PROM    THE   PEACE   OF  RYSWICK. 


peace  to  Louis  in  his  own  capital,  and  have  rent  from 
him  all  his  acquisitions. 

There  were  persons,  indeed,  both  in  Knirland  and 
Holland,  who  saw  that  the  ambition  of  Louis  was 
overreachincr  itself,  in  a  past  r<^c  the  matrimonial  alli- 
ances of  Kuropean  soverei«^ms  were  supposed  to  confer 
ri-hts  over  subjects  which  it  was  impious  to  dispute 
and  treasonable  to  resist.  No  sovereif^ns  had  appealed 
at  a  more  early  date  to  the  principle  of  nationality 
than  the  French  sovcreii^ms  had,  and  with  f^reater 
success.  The  kincrdom  of  France  had  been  consoli- 
dated by  the  policy  of  scekin^c;  to  make  every  inhabi- 
tant ^t^lorv'  in  the  name  of  hVcnchman.  I^ut  the 
patriotism  of  a  Spaniard  was  as  kcin  as  that  of  a 
Frenchman,  perhaps  keener;  for  his  name,  and  the 
departed  -lories  of  iiis  name,  were  all  that  lie  had  to 
recall.  The  house  of  Austria  had  effectually  de- 
stroyed everythinor  else.  The  Hollanders,  too,  had 
emphatically  repudiated  dynastic  rights.  The  Vln^r. 
lish  had  chan<,red  the  succession  and  had  transferred 
it  over  twenty  or  thirty  heads  to  the  most  remote 
descendant  of  the  first  Stewart  king,  to  a  petty  German 
prince,  one  of  the  least  considerable  potentates  in 
that  rope  of  sand,  the  later  German  ICmpire. 

Such  persons  argued  in  l^ngland— "What  interest 
have  we  in  the  question  as  to  whether  Philip  of 
Hourbon  or  Charles  of  Austria  is  to  reign  in  Spain  ? 
The  Spanish  h:mi)ire  is  ready  to  fall  to  pieces,  but  we 
want  no  part  of  it.  It  is  very  likely  that  the  hjnperor 
of  Germany  wants  to  recover  those  Italian  provinces, 
which  his  predecessors  claimed,  sometimes  ruled 
and    finally    ruined.       Very  likely    the    TVench    kino- 


OPINION  AT   THE   TIME. 


321 


cherishes  the  dreams  of  his  predecessors,  Charles  the 
Eighth  and  Francis  the  First,  or  fancies  that  he  has 
succeeded  to  the  rights  and  the  designs  of  his  Austrian 
kinsfolk  Charles  the  Fifth  and  Philip  the  Second.    He 
is  unquestionally  bold,  unscrupulous,  and  ambitious. 
But  he  will  be  less  able   to  turn  these  dreams  into 
realities,  if  he  hampers  himself  with    the  defence  of 
his  grandson's  inheritance.    He  will  be  certainly  baffled 
if  ife  tries  to  despoil  him  of  any  part  of  it.     Nothing 
is  more  co.stly,  nothing  more  disappointing,  than  the 
attempt  to   establish  a  protectorate   over   a  country 
which  is  intensely  jealous  of  its  independence,  even 
though  it  takes  the  money  and  accepts  the  military 
assis^Unce   which  it  cannot    provide   out    of  its  own 
resources.     It  is  difficult  enough  to  assist  Spain  with 
entirely  disinterested  motives.     If  the  King  of  France, 
who  is  never  disinterested  in  his  objects,  but  always  sel- 
fish  and  grasping,  seeks  to  enlarge  his  dominions  at  the 
expense ^of  Spain,  the  more  he  does  for  his  grandson 
the  more  will  he  and  his  grandson  be  hated.     The 
poor  creature  who  just  lately  died  was  to  his  people  the 
impersonation  of  the  Spanish  Fmpire,  and  a  Spanish 
policy,  and  though  he  was  son-in-law  and  nephew  to 
Louis,'  made    war    on    him    for    these    ends.      The 
Spaniards   will    never    consent   to   be   the    tools   of 
France,  or  allow  their  king  to  be  a  viceroy  for   his 
crrandfather.     If  Spanish  and  French  interests  are  at 
variance,  no  ties  of  blood  or  alliance  will  prevent  a 
collision  between  the  two  kingdoms,  and  Philip  will  be 
either  obliged  to  follow  the  policy  of  the  country  which 
has  accepted  him,  or  be  soon  driven  from  the  throne." 
Events  proved  that  these  people  reasoned  correctly. 


322 


FROM    THE   PEACE   OF  RYSWICK, 


In  Holland,  too,  contemporary  evidence  showc,  that 
similar  opinions   were    current.      There  were    public 
men  who  saw  that  Loui.^  was  increasing,  not  h-hten- 
ing  his  diftkulties,  that  he  was  engaged,  to  use  a  com- 
mercial phrase,  in  doubling  his  liabilities,  indefinitely 
increasing  his  expenses,  and   making  no  addition  to 
his  capital.    ''  Our  policy,"  they  argued,  "is  to  keep  out 
of  European  and  especially  out  of  dynastic  complica- 
tions.   Our  late  Stadtholder  looked  after  our  interests, 
though  we  had  to  pay  a  heavy  price.     We  are  now 
again   a  free  republic.     It   is  our  wisdom  to  protect 
our  frontier,  to  husband  our  resources  and  to  increase 
our  trade.     We  are  already  heavily  in  debt  for  our 
past   wars,  and   while  these   belligerents    are   wasting 
their  means  we  shall  be  increasing  ours.     Hesid(  s,  the 
English,  partly  from  selfishness,  partly  from  ignorance, 
insist  that  we  should  contract  our  trade  with   Spain 
and   Erance.     We  deal    in  the  choicest  of  products. 
W1iat    were   once   luxuries    are   now,  thanks    to    our 
energy  and  perseverance,  common  comforts,  and  we 
have  a  monopoly  of  this  tratle.     71ie  luiglish  people 
would  gladly  deprive  us  of  it,  under  the  hypocritical 
pretence  of  high  policy  and  military  necessity.     Our 
course  should    be   to  stand   aloof.     The  luiglish   arc 
covetous  and  enterprising,  the  Germans  are  covetous 
and  beggarly,  and  we  should  not  present  our  trade  to 
to  the  one  and  our  florins   to  the    other.     We    can 
easily  get  ample  guarantees  from   Erance,  and  a  sub- 
stantial barrier  on  the   Memish  frontier.     There  is  no 
price  which  Louis  will  not  pay  for  our  neutrality."    So 
I  find  that  the  Dutch  party  which  was  unfricndl\'  to 
the  war  argued  during  the  interval  between  the  succes- 
sion of  Philip  and  the  outbreak  of  war. 


LOUIS   STRIVES   lUR    DUTCH   NEUTRALITY.   323 

In  one  particular  they  were  certainly  in  the  right. 
Louis  spared  no  pains,  and  no  offers  to  secure  the 
neutrality  of  the  Dutch  during  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
succession.  He  would  even,  it  seems,  have  guaranteed 
that  there  should  be  no  military  operations  in  Flan- 
ders at  all,  and  that  ample  indemnities  should  be 
giv^en  to  Holland  as  the  price  of  neutrality.  Eor  he 
saw  that  if  Holland  were  neutral  not  only  would  half 
the  sinews  of  war  be  gone,  but  that  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult for  the  allies  to  land  a  single  soldier  on  Western 
lun-opc.  He  offered  through  his  agent,  Harre,  to  renew 
his  alliance  with  the  States,  to  guarantee  their  com- 
merce, to  renew  the  treaties  of  Munster,  Nimeguen, 
and  R\swick,  with  any  additional  security  which  they 
might  demand,  and  to  j^ledge  himself  that  the  Spanish 
Netherlands  should  be  occupied  with  Spanish  troops 
only.  On  the  other  hand,  Anne  despatched  the  Earl 
of  ALanchester  within  a  week  after  her  accession,  to 
assure  the  Dutch  that  her  resolution  was  the  same  as 
that  of  her  predecessor,  and  that  the  interests  of  Hol- 
land and  England  were  identical  and  equally  impor- 
tant to  her. 

The  States  of  Holland  decided  to  stand  by  their 
resolution,  for  now  that  there  was  no  Stadtholder, 
Holland  was,  to  use  a  modern  phrase,  the  empire 
state  of  the  United  Provinces.  They  persuaded  the 
States-General,  who  were  summoned  for  deliberation, to 
accept  the  same  policy  and  to  repudiate  all  the  offers 
of  Louis.  On  May  15,  1702,  Great  Ikitain,  Germany, 
and  Holland,  issued  the  declaration  of  war,  the  plea 
bein":  the  ambition  and  bad  faith  of  Louis.  The  atti- 
tude  of  the  Erench  king  showed  how  deeply  he  was 


. 


»» 


324 


FROM   THE  PEACE  OF  RYSWICK. 


disappointed  at  the  resolution  taken  by  Holland.  He 
took  no  offence  at  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain  and 
Germany;  but  said,  "  Messieurs,  the  Dutch  merchants, 
will  repent  for  having  provoked  so  ^^rcat  a  kin«;  as  I 
am. 

I  have  dwelt  at  length  on  these  particulars,  because 
the  decision  come  to  in  the  sprin^j  of  rjoj  was  so 
momentous  in  the  future  fortunes  of  the  Dutch  Re- 
public. They  were  drawn  into  the  luiropean  system, 
and  no  effort  which  they  made  afterwards  sufficed  to 
draw  them  out  of  it.  In  this  unequal  strugfrle  they 
were  finally  exhausted,  though  it  must  be  allowed 
that  other  faults  of  oovernment  or  policy  contributed 
to  this  result. 

The  war  resolved  on,  the  question  was,  who  should 
be  commander.     Rumour  was  busy.     At  one  time  it 
was    the    Landi^rave   of   Hesse.     Soon    afterwards  a 
story  was  afloat  that  Queen  Anne  had  recommended 
her  husband,  George  of  Denmark.     It  was  probably 
an  idle  guess.    Silly  as  Anne  was,  she  must  have  known 
that  her  husband  was  the  most  incompetent  fool  in 
Christendom.     Charles  the  Second  had  described  him 
and  his  faculties  with  some  pleasant rw     The  States- 
General  soon  put  an  end  to  all  rumours  by  a]^pointing 
Marlborough.      LJnha[)pily  the  luiglish  allowed    the 
Queen  to  put  her  husband  at  the  head  of  the  navy,  in 
the  capacity  of  Lord  High  Admiral.    More  than  once 
the  stupid   servility  of  the  luiglish  people  has  put  in 
jeopardy  the  most  important  interests,  by  comnn'tting 
them  into  the  hands  of  royal  fools.     The  mismanage- 
ment of  George  of  Denmark  had  a  very  disastrous 
effect  on  the  early  naval  operations  of  the  allies. 


MARLBOROUGH, 


325 


Marlborough  was  the  son  of  a  poor  country  knight. 
He  came  to  the  Court  of  Charles  the  Second  with 
many  personal  graces  and  great  natural  gifts.  He  had 
improved  his  natural  abilities  in  the  art  of  war  by 
serving  under  the  great  Turenne.  He  had  improved 
his  fortunes  by  his  intimacy  with  the  shameless  and 
rapacious  Barbara  X'illiers,  Lady  Castlemaine,  the 
king's  mistress,  and  his  position  by  marrying  Sarah 
Jennings,  the  favourite  and  arrogant  waiting  woman 
of  Princess  Anne.  His  interest  was  further  served 
by  the  fact  that  his  sister,  Arabella  Churchill,  was  the 
mistress  of  James,  Duke  of  York,  and  the  mother  of 
the  famous  Duke  of  l^erwick,  one  of  the  last  great 
generals  in  the  service  of  Louis,  a  person  whose 
attachment  to  his  father,  and  his  father's  benefactor, 
was  constant  and  devoted,  l^erwick  was  not  only  a 
person  of  great  abilities,  but  of  high  character. 

It  was  impossible  for  John  Churchill,  with  these 
recommendations,  natural,  acquired,  and  incidental, 
to  fail  of  making  his  way  at  Court.  He  was  soon 
ennobled,  and  on  the  accession  of  James  he  was 
trusted.  He  deserted  his  master  at  a  crisis,  he  per- 
suaded the  king's  daughter  to  desert  her  father  with 
him,  and  he  passed  over  to  the  service  of  William. 
He  exhibited  his  great  military  abilities  under  the 
Dutch  king,  but  soon  fell  into  disgrace,  for  with  him 
treachery  and  intrigue  were  a  passion.  As  long  as 
Mary  lived  he  was  a  traitor,  as  soon  as  she  died  he 
became  loyal  to  the  English  Revolution,  for  the  suc- 
cession of  Anne  was  now  assured,  and  he  ruled  Anne 
through  his  wife.  His  fidelity  at  last  squared  with 
his  interest,  and  he  remained  consistently  loyal  to  the 


t 


326  FROM   THE  PEACE   OF   RYSWICK. 

latter.  I  do  not  find  so  much  fault  with  Churchill, 
when  I  think  of  his  associations,  and  of  the  expedients 
which  he  was  obliged  to  adopt  in  order  to  save  his 
interests.  It  is  very  difficult,  perhai)s  impossible,  to 
discover  any  public  man  who  lived  throu-h  the  vile  age 
of  the  English  Restoration,  and  under  the  influences 
of  the  Court,  who  was  not  thoroughly  tainted  by  the 
atmosphere  which  he  breathed.  Hut  I  am  disposed 
to  believe  that  historians  would  have  been  more  kindly 
to  his  faults  had  it  not  been  for  the  family  which  he 
founded. 

Churchill  was  avaricious   beyond   experience,  and 
was  seconded  in  his  passion    for  money-getting  by  his 
wife.     But  in  military  skill  he  was  far  in  advance  of 
his  age,  some  say  of  all  men.     He  never  lost  his  head, 
his  temper,   or  his  judgment.      His  conception  of  a 
campaign  was  faultless,  his  interpretation  of  a  field  of 
battle  perfect.     He  never  made  a  mistake  in  the  art 
of  war,  never  gave  a  chance  to  an  enemy,  never  failed 
in  a  plan,  never  lost  a  battle.     When  he  was  thwarted 
by  the  Dutch  deputies,  who  would  be  wiser  thnn  he 
was,  and  could  not  be  expected  to  anticipate  what  we 
now  know,  he  was  as  deferential   to  the   States  as 
Maurice  had  been  in  his  better  days,  and  with  less 
reason,  for  he  soon  put  Louis  in  such  a  position  as 
destroyed   the   reputation   of  his   military  system    in 
Europe.     He    first    saved  Germany,  he   then    saved 
Holland,  and  he  might,  had  time  been  given  him,  have 
brought  Louis  on  his  knees  before  lunope.     I^ut  for 
the   Dutch  deputies,  he  might  have  finisiied  the  war 
vvithinayearof  its  commencement;  and  again  in  1705 
for  willing  as  he  was  to  prolong  the  war,  which  was 


CHURCHILL'S   PURPOSES, 


327 


filling  his  pockets,  he  had  the  truest  instincts  of  a 
.soldier,  which  was  that  the  best  wars  are  short  wars. 
But  though  he  was  thwarted,  his  temper  was  placid, 
almost  angelic.  He  yielded  to  them  with  the  greatest 
grace,  and  continued,  as  the  custom  was,  to  receive  his 
percentages  on  their  and  the  British  expenditure.  He 
even  conceded  more  than  was  reasonable  to  the 
beggarly  German  princes,  perhaps  winked  at  their 
embezzling  luiglish  and  Dutch  money,  of  course 
minus  his  percentage,  and  graciously  accepted  a  Ger- 
man patent  of  nobility.  But  the  tension  of  his  life 
was  too  great,  and  before  he  reached  old  age  he  became 
imbecile. 

There  was  of  course  an  awkwardness  which  was 
inherent  in  the  hostilities  which  the  Dutch,  the  English, 
and  the  Germans  commenced.  The  object  of  the 
allies  was  to  secure  the  Spanish  throne  and  the 
Spani.sh  dominions  to  the  son  of  the  emperor.  But 
they  could  do  this  only  by  subduing  the  strongholds  of 
the  actual  king  of  Spain,  and  by  ravaging  or  otherwise 
injuring  what  they  alleged  to  be  the  rightful  inheri- 
tance of  his  rival.  On  the  other  hand,  Louis  could  act 
on  the  defensive  in  Spain  and  Holland,  and  on  the 
offensive  in  Germany,  particularly  in  the  South,  where 
the  Elector  of  Bavaria  was  his  ally,  and  for  a  consider- 
able time,  his  only  ally.  It  was  therefore  (the  rear 
being  efficiently  protected  by  the  capture  or  occupa- 
tions of  sufficient  forts)  advisable  at  an  early  date  to  try 
conclusions  with  the  armies  of  Louis  in  Germany. 

In  the  first  of  his  campaigns,  Marlborough  got 
po.ssession  of  .several  fortre.s.ses  on  the  Elemish  frontier 
which  were  of  great  advantage  to  him  in  strengthening 


Mi 


^■«i;'  i,i:,':i  f.\V35i 


<'—  iflit 


^^-M^^'   ltt; 


/I 


-.  -x^^-'i 


BATTLE   OF  BLENHEIM. 


329 


the  base  of  his  operations.  But  the  Kn<;lish  Parliament 
insisted  tliat  the  Dutch  should  cease  to  trade  with 
France  and  Spain  as  a  condition  of  their  furnishing 
the  aUies  with  an  additional  10,000  troops,  and  the 
Dutch,  though  sorely  against  their  will,  yielded,  but  as 
I  suspect  not  very  cordially,  and  not  very  thoroughly. 
Then  the  English  fleet  captured  or  destroyed  the 
Spanish  treasure  fleet  in  Vigo  Hay,  a  loss  which  greatly 
fell  on  the  Dutch,  as  the  treasure  had  been  already 
assi<mcd  to  them  in  payment  of  debts  incurred.  But 
so  enthusiastic  were  thc>',  that  the  States  of  Holland 
alone  voted  nine  million  guilders  for  the  war. 

In  1703  Marlborough  reduced  Bonn,  and  other  places 
on  the  Rhine  or  near  it,  and  would  have  joined  battle 
with  Villeroi,  but  the  Dutch  deputies  forbad  it,  on  the 
<rr()und  that  if  the  combat  was  unsuccessful  to  the 
allies,  Holland  would  be  exposed  to  a  French  invasion. 
It  was  in  this  year  that  Louis  had  to  take  active 
measures  against  the  Camisards  of  I.anguedoc. 

In  1 704,  Marlborough  marched  into  the  Black  Forest, 
and  won  the  great  battle  of  Blenheim  or  Hochstadt, 
over  Tallard.  The  French  army  was  entirely  de- 
stroN'cd  or  captured,  Germany  was  liberated  from 
PVench  troops,  and  Bavaria  was  occupied  by  the 
others.  In  the  meantime  the  archduke  Charles,  son 
of  the  emperor,  and  Austrian  claimant  of  the  Spanish 
crown,  came  to  England,  passed  over  to  Portugal,  and 
was  welcomed  by  some  of  the  Spaniards,  especially 
the  Catalans.  In  this  year  Rooke  and  the  Prince  of 
Darmstadt  captured  the  rock  of  Gibraltar,  a  fortress 
which  the  luiglish  have  held  ever  since,  against  fre- 
quent and  desperate  sieges. 


nATTLL    UF   BLEMIEIM. 


329 


\ 


'y^' 


II*    r  -Ji  t»— fci..    "  ■  I   t*!,  ,      ( 


the  base  of  his  operations.  But  tlic  hjv^lish  Parliament 
insisted  that  the  Dutch  should  cease  to  trade  with 
iM-ance  and  Spain  as  a  C(Muliti()n  of  their  funn'shini; 
the  allies  with  an  additional  I0,000  troops,  and  the 
Dutch,  thouL^h  sorely  ai^^ainst  their  will,  yielded,  but  as 
I  suspect  not  very  cordially,  and  not  very  thoroui^hly. 
Then  the  Kni^lish  fleet  captured  or  destroyed  the 
Spanish  treasure  llcrt  in  Vv^n  Hay,  a  loss  which  <;reatly 
fell  on  the  Dutch,  a-  the  treasure  had  been  already 
assi«nied  to  them  in  i)a\-ment  of  debts  incurred.  lUit 
so  enthusiastic  wen-  they,  that  the  States  of  Holland 
alone  voted  nine  million  i^uilders  for  the  war. 

In  170.^  Marlborout^h  reduced  Honn,and  other  places 
on  the  Rhine  or  near  it,  and  would  have  joined  battle 
with  X'illeroi,  but  the  Dutch  deputies  forbad  it,  on  the 
<rround  that  if  the  combat  was  uiisuccessiul  to  the 
allies,  Holland  would  be  exposed  to  a  l^ench  invasion. 
It  was  in  this  year  that  Louis  had  to  take  active 
measures  .iL-ainst  the  (  amisards  of  Lan«;uedoc. 

In  1 704,  MarlborouLih  marched  into  the  Black  lM)rcst, 
and  won  the  j^reat  battle  of  l^lenheim  or  llochstadt, 
over  Tallard.  The  l''rench  army  was  entirely  de- 
stroxed  ov  captured,  ( k-rmany  was  liberated  from 
I^Vench  troops,  and  l>avaria  was  (Kcupied  by  the 
others.  In  the  meantime  the  archduke  Charles,  son 
of  the  emperor,  and  .\ustrian  claimant  of  the  Spanish 
crown,  rame  to  I'.n-land,  passed  over  to  Tortu'^al,  and 
was  welcomed  by  some  of  the  Spaniards,  especially 
the  Catalans.  In  this  year  Rooke  and  the  Trincc  of 
Darmstadt  captured  the  rock  of  Gibraltar,  a  fortress 
which  the  l-Ji-lish  Imw  held  ever  since,  ai;.iinst  fre- 
(juent  and  desperate  sieves. 


3J0 


FROM   THE  PEACE   OF  RVSWICK. 


Early  in  1705,  the  emperor  died,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  eldest  son  Joseph.     Villars  continued  to  evade 
a  battle  with  Marlborough,  and   later  on,  when   the 
English   general   was  opposed  to  Villeroi  and  could 
have  constrained  him   to   fight,   the   Dutch    deputies 
again  interposed  with  the  plea  that  the  risk  was  too 
great.     Here,  as   I    have  already  stated,  the  patience 
and  address  of -Marlborough  so  won  on  the  Dutch  that 
thenceforward  they  determined  to  rely  on  his  judgment. 
In  Spain,  the  forces  of  Philip  were  demoralized  V  the 
unsuccessful  attack  on  Gibraltar.     In  the  north  of  that 
kingdom,  Barcelona    was  captured  by  the    eccentric 
Lord    Peterborough,  and  the  whole  of  Catalonia  and 
Valentia  declared  for  Charles. 

In    1706,  early  in   the  year,  Marlborough  won    the 
battle  of  Ramillies,  over  the  French  general  Villeroi. 
The  effect  of  this  victory  was  the  total  evacuation  of 
the   Low  Countries  by  the  French.      In   September, 
another  French  army  was  destroyed  near  Turin,  and 
Madrid  was  occupied  by  Charles,  and  for  a  time  Spain 
seemed  to  be  lost  to  the  French  prince.     It  seemed  as 
though  everything  was  against  Louis,  his  people  were 
oppressed  with   taxation,  the  currency   was  debased, 
and  the  French  king  was  constrained  to  have  recourse 
to  an  inconvertible    paper.      He  was  now   sincerely 
an.xious    for  peace,  but  the   Allies   deemed   that    no 
peace  would  be  secure,  unless  France  was  thoroughly 
humiliated.      There  was  no    reason   to   believe  that 
Holland  wished  to  continue  a  struggle  which  was  so 
exhausting,  but  the  bad  faith  of  Louis  had  been  so 
conspicuous,  that  the  Dutch  naturally  resolved  that 
they  would  have  solid  guarantees  for  the  future. 


THE    WAR   IN  SPAIN. 


331 


Up  to  this  time  Louis  and  his  grandson  had  ex- 
perienced nothing  but  reverses,  the  allies  and  their 
protege  Charles,  had  experienced  constant  success. 
But  in  Spain  the  tide  began  to  turn.  Spaniards  have 
not  infrequently  been  defeated  in  pitched  battles,  but 
it  has  always  been  hard  to  permanently  occupy  the 
country,  for  it  and  its  inhabitants  were  singularly 
suitable  for  guerilla  warfare.  It  took  the  Romans  a 
longer  time  to  concjucr  Spain  than  it  did  any  other 
coufitr\'  outside  Italy,  and  tasked  the  abilities  of  their 
most  competent  genenils.  Now  Charles  was  not  only 
deficient  in  courage  and  daring,  but  he  had  come  into 
Spain  b\'  the  help  of  a  foreign  army,  while  the  success 
of  the  allies  foreshadowed  the  partition  of  the  Spanish 
lunpire.  On  April  25th,  Berwick,  the  English  exile, 
joined  battle  at  Almanza  with  Gal  way,  the  French 
exile,  and  completely  routed  him.  This  was  practi- 
cally the  ruin  of  the  Austrian  prince. 

In  1708  Louis  attempted  to  make  a  diversion  by 
sending  James  to  Scotland,  l^ut  as  James,  called  by 
the  English  the  old  Pretender,  was  at  Dunkirk,  he 
was  seized  with  illness,  the  project  got  wind,  and  the 
port  was  blockaded  by  Byng.  Louis  saw  that  without 
Dutch  and  British  subsidies,  not  one  of  the  other  allies 
could  move,and  he  imagined  that  the  Scotch,  with  some 
of  whom  the  act  of  Union  was  distasteful,  would  rise 
in  revolt  against  the  luiglish  Government.  In  July 
Vendome  lost  the  battle  of  Oudenard,  and  the  affairs 
of  Louis  became  desperate.  He  feared  that  he  should 
have  to  abandon  his  izrandson's  cause.  Added  to 
the  calamities  of  war,  there  came  two  excessively  un- 
productive harvests  in  succession,  which  seem  to  have 


ik 


in 


332 


FROM    THE  PEACE   OF  RYSWICK, 


been  even  more  disastrous  in    I^ancc  than  they  even 
were  in  P^ngland. 

In  1709  Louis  renewed  his  negotiations  for  peace, 
but  with  their  successes  the  claims  of  the  alh'es 
became  more  exactin^^r.  Jhe  iMcncli  kin-  was  not 
only  to  abandon  his  <,rrandson,  but  to  abandon  the 
frontier  which  he  had  created,  and  be  content  with 
that  vvhicli  had  been  i^ivcn  to  iM'ance  b\'  the  treaty  of 
Westphah'a.  Louis  appealed  to  his  people,  collected 
a  fresh  army,  and  the  French,  under  \'illars,  foui^ht 
the  fourth  great  battle  at  Malplaciuct.  It  was  lost, 
and  Louis  again  had  recourse  to  negotiatirms.  Hut 
the  demands  of  the  allies  increased,  they  n.>u  insisted 
that  Louis  should  dethrone  his  grandson  by  force. 

In  17 10  both  parties  were  exhausted,  though  the 
allies  took  several  towns  on  the  I^Vench  frontier,  and 
Marlborough  certainly  intended  to  make  his  next  cam- 
paign in  France  itself.  Meanwhile,  Spain  was  again 
lost  and  won.  In  July  and  August  Thilip  was  defeated 
in  two  battles  and  tied  from  Madrid.  In  December 
Vendome  drove  Charles  and  his  allies  from  Castile, 
captured  the  army  at  Hrihucga,  and  won  a  battle  at 
Villaviciosa.  Meanwhile,  a  great  change  was  coming 
over  English  opinion.  The  Tories  gained  a  majority 
in  both  houses,  at  the  end  of  the  \ear,  and  deter- 
mined to  displace  Marlborough  and  bring  about  a 
peace. 

The  long  continuance  of  the  war,  the  sufferings  of 
the  people,  and  the  added  calamit\-  of  the  two  years' 
famine  had  developed  a  peculiarly  malignant  kind  of 
smallpox.  It  frequently  happens  after  very  destructive 
and  protracted  wars,  that  the  world,  even\hat  part  of 


CONCLUi>iO.\    OF    THE    WAR. 


333 


it  which  has  taken  no  part  in  the  struggle,  is  afflicted 
with  new  and  fatal  pestilences.  In  171 1  death  was 
busy.  Louis  of  France  lost  from  his  own  family  the 
Dauphin,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  his. 
rreat  ijrandson  and  liis  brother,  all  from  the  same 
disease.  In  the  same  year  it  was  fatal  to  the  Emperor 
Joseph,  and  the  titular  King  of  Spain  became 
Emperor  of  German)'.  There  remained  only  one 
infant  two  years  old,  between  Philip  of  Spain  and  the 
throne  of  France,  and  if  effect  was  to  be  given  to  the 
purposes  of  the  allies,  Germany  and  Spain  were  to 
be  again  united  as  they  had  been  under  Charles  the 

Fifth. 

In  effect  the  smallpox  brought  the  war  of  the 
Spanish  succession  to  an  end.  As  I  have  said,  had 
Marlborough  been  continued  in  his  command,  he 
would  have  certainly  invaded  France,  and  have  en- 
forced as  far  as  the  Trench  frontier  was  concerned, 
the  proposals  which  Louis  rejected  in  1709.  But 
the  Tories  were  resolved  to  recall  Marlborough.  His 
wife  had  been  supplanted  in  the  Queen's  favour  by 
her  own  waiting  woman,  and  it  is  probable  that  Anne 
and  her  advisers  had  planned  to  restore  the  Pretender 
Ormond  was  sent  to  supersede  Marlborough,  and  was 
soon  instructed  to  become  inactive.  The  emperor 
and  the  German  princes  were  furious;  they  had  been 
long  used  lo  English  subsidies.  But  the  new  Govern- 
ment answered  with  some  show  of  reason  that  Germany 
and  Spain  united  were  as  a  great  violation  of  the 
balance  of  power,  as  Spain  and  I^ance  united  could 
be,  and  that  it  was  the  interest  of  Europe  that  the 
iiovernment  of   the  three   countries    should    be   and 


334 


FROM    THE   PEACE    OF   RY^WICK. 


always  remain  distinct.  The  object  of  Europe  then 
was  to  extort  a  renunciation  of  the  kin^rJom  of 
France  from  Phihp,  a  renunciation  of  the  kingdom  of 
Spain  from  the  French  princes. 

On  April  1 1,  17 1  J,  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  was  signed. 
It    embraced    Great    Britain,    Holland,    Prussia,    and 
Savo)'.     But   the  emperor  stood  aloof   from   it,  and 
continued  the  war  with   France  alone.     Some  losses 
which  he  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Villars,  and  were 
mevitable,  when  he  had   his  own  resources  only  to 
depend  on  soon  brought  him  to  reason,  and  the  peace 
of  Rastadt    was  signed  on  March,   17 14.     The  most 
scandalous  act  in  connection  with  this  peace,  was  the 
abandonment  of  the  Catalans    to  the   vengeance  of 
France  and  Spain.     The  allies  had  incited  tlie  revolt 
of  these  northern  Spaniards,  had  supplied  them  with 
foreign  forces,  and  had  no.v  deserted  them. 

In   this   famous  peace  France  agreed  to  recognize 
the  Hanoverian  succession,  to  demolish  Dunkirk^ind 
to  cede  its  American  possessions  on  the  north-east  of 
the  Plantations.      It  yielded    the   Low   Countries  to 
Holland,  to  hold  as  trustees  till  peace  was  concluded 
with  the  emperor,  the  revenue,  derivable  from   them 
being    secured   to   the   Elector    of    Bavaria   till  such 
time    as   his   hereditary  dominions  were  restored  to 
him.       It    engaged    to    admit    Dutch    garrisons    into 
eleven    frontier   towns,   a   million    florins    being   paid 
annually  from  the  Netherland  revenues  for  tlic  pur- 
pose  of   maintaining   this  garrison.      The   Duke  of 
Savoy    had    an    enlargement    of    territory,    and     the 
Elector  of  Brandenburg  was  recognized  as  the  King 
of  Prussia  with  certain  rectifications  of  frontier.  Beside^ 


I! 


THE    TREATY   OF    UTRECHT. 


335 


these  general  engagements  Spain  yielded  to  England, 
Gibraltar,  Port  Mahon,  and  the  island  of  Minorca, 
with  a  regulated  share  under  the  Assicnto  treaty  in 
the  slave  trade,  for  the  Spanish  conquerors  of  the 
New  World  had  exhausted  the  natives  by  compulsory 
labour  in  the  mines,  and  had  introduced  negro  slaves 
into  Aniciicii  in  order  to  fill  up  the  void. 


XXXIV, 

THE   INTERNAL   TROUIJEES   OF   THE    REl'UP.LIC. 

As  far  as  the  words  of  treaties  went,  the  position  of 
Holland  after  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  was 
over  was  rendered  satisfactory.  The  Dutch  were 
guaranteed  the  full  liberty  of  trading  with  Spain 
which  the^'  had  enjo\ed  before  the  war  was  under- 
taken, and  were  permitted  to  enjoy  the  privileges  of 
French  subjects,  especially  in  the  Mediterranean  ports 
of  France.  The  Dutch  were  a  little  alarmed  at  the 
cession  of  a  part  of  the  frontier  to  the  new  Kin'^  of 
Prussia  in  exchange  for  the  principality  of  Orange, 
near  Avignon,  which  Frederic  William  claimed  as  the 
representative  of  the  house  of  Oraiu^e. 

There  were,  however,  serious  results  from  the  war. 
This  struggle  had  been  costly  beyond  experience,  and 
the  wealth  of  Holland  had  been  seriously  lessened, 
and  its  future  industry  pledged  by  the  subsidies 
which  it  had  granted,  the  expenses  it  had  incurred, 
and  the  loans  which  it  had  raised.  Dutch  credit  was, 
and  remained,  good  long  after  the  period  of  which  I 
am  writing.     The  State  could  borrow  from  its  thrifty 


I 

I 
t 


DEBTS   OF  HOLLAND. 


337 


citizens  on  better  terms  than  other  governments  could, 
and  tlu  ugh  the  interest  laid  on  Dutch  stock  was  low, 
foreigners  invested  in  a  security  the  dividends  of  which 
were""  always  punctually  paid.     But  the  prosperity  of 
Holland   depended   on   its   supremacy   in    trade,   and 
here  the  rivalry  of  iMigland,  a  country  with  far  greater 
resources,  and  in   a   far  more  safe  position,  was  sure 
to  affect  the  activity  of  the  Republic.     Besides,  the 
ICnglish  were  beginning  to  secure  that  place  in  manu- 
facUiring  industry  which  they  have  long  and  success- 
fully occupied,  and  to  supplant  the  Hollander.     Not 
many  years  after  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
was  over,  the  rate  of  interest  in   ICngland  was  nearly 
as  low  as  it  was  in  Holland. 

The  debt  of  Holland  was  very  heavy  for  the  times. 
The  State  of  Holland  alone,  the  largest  of  the  United 
Provinces,  had  a  debt  of  nineteen  millions  of  guilders, 
and  the  collective  debt  of  the  United   Provinces  was 
nearly  ten  times  that  amount.     At  the  beginning  of 
the   eighteenth  century  such  a  debt  filled  statesmen 
with  atarm,  and  not  only  in  Holland,  but  in  England, 
the  state  of  the  finances    made  people    fear  that    a 
collapse  of  public  credit  was  inevitable.     To  obviate 
such  alarms,  redoubled  efforts  were  needed,  and  more 
energetic  rivalry  practised,  in  which  it  was  hard  for 
the  weaker  nation  to  make  head  against  the  stronger, 
even  if  the  relations  between  the  two  countries,  Hol- 
land and   England,  had  been  maintained  with  perfect 
fairness.     But,  in  truth,  the  English  Government  used 
Holland   very  ill,  dictating  to  the  United  Provinces 
what    should    be  their  form   of   government,  forcing 
on    the    reluctant    Republic    monarchical   or    quasi- 


33S      INTERNAL    TROUBLES   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

monarchical  forms,  cntrappinnr  Holland  into  takincr 
part  in  the  continental  poh'cy  of  England,  and  en- 
couraging its  own  merchants  to  supplant  the  Dutch 
in  their  own  domain  of  trade. 

The  Dutch  indeed  welcomed  the  accession  of  the 
house  of  Hanover  with  cnlhusiasm.  They  saw  that 
the  party  which  had  thwarted  them  in  the  late  war 
was  driven  from  power  and  discredited,  aiul  they  felt 
assured  that  George,  the  new  luiglish  king,  would  be 
their  friend.  They  even  lamented  that  the  hie  of 
Anne  was  prolonged,  so  that  the  surrender,  as  they 
deemed  it,  of  Utrecht  had  been  effected,  and  that 
they  reaped  but  little  advantage  from  their  sacrifices. 
They  gave  considerable  assistance  to  George  at  the 
Scottish  insurrection  of  171 5,  which  perhaps  prevented 
a  renewal  of  hostilities  on  the  Continent. 

The  long  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  came  to  an  end  in 
September,  1715.  His  successor  was  a  child  of  six 
years  old,  and  the  regency  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans.  Now  this  person,  a  very  scandalous 
and  profligate  man,  was  strongly  convinced  that  his 
own  interests  and  the  interests  of  TVa nee  required  that 
the  relations  between  France  and  England  should  be 
as  amicable  as  possible.  Hence  as  the  same  counsels 
prevailed  in  England,  peace  was  maintained  in  Europe 
for  a  considerable  time,  and  there  seemed  every  pros- 
pect  that  there  would  be  nothing  but  peaceful  rivalry 
among  the  nations. 

They  who  have  studied  the  history  of  Holland  trace 
the  decline  of  the  nation  to  the  events  which  followed 
on  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession.  The  old 
spirit  had,  they  say,  been  exhausted  in  the  Republic. 


THE   CONSTITUTION. 


339 


The  Dutch  were  no  longer  disposed  to  emulate  the 
military  endurance  of  their  forefathers,  such  as  it  had 
been  during  the  greater  part  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, or  the  heroism  on  sea  of  Hcemskerk,Tromp,and 
De'  Ruxtcr.     A  nation  of  heroes  had  been  turned,  it 
was  alleged,  into  a  nation  of  pedlars.     The  general 
assembly  of  the  States  in    1716,  they  allege,  proved 
that    Dutch  courage  and  enterprise  had  wofully  de- 
clined,   and    that    Holland    was    soon    to    forfeit    the 
exalted   reputation   she    had 
acciuired.     And  y^t  lor   two 
generations    and    more   after 
this  event,  commercial   Hol- 
land  was  the  envy   and   ad- 
miration  of  other  European 
nations,  and    the    causes    of 
Dutch  prosperity  were  care- 
fully and  perhaps  invidiously 
examined. 

The  constitution  of  the 
Rei)ublic  was,  and  always 
had  been,  one  of  the  most 
unmanageable  conceivable. 
The  several  States  constituting  the  United  Provmces 
were  ail  free  and  all  equal.  The  theory  of  what  Ame- 
ricans call,  or  used  to  call.  State  rights  was  pushed 
to  extreme  lengths,  and  nothing  but  a  common  m- 
terest  in  resisting  a  common  danger  could  have  pre- 
served unity  of  action  among  the  separate  members. 
The  Republic  was,  in  fact,  a  loosely  united  association, 
the  several  contingents  of  which  acted  separately  for 
many  purposes,  and  in  common  for  two  objects  only 


A  BROEK   r.lPI,. 


i 

I! 


til 


340  INTERNAL    TROUBLES   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

-political  safety  and  trade.     The  contribution  which 
each  should  make  to  the  common  expenses  of  crovcrn- 
ment  was  a  matter  of  arrangement,  but  the  several 
States  were  not  alwa)s  ready  to  abide  b>'  the  compact, 
and  often  threatened  to  stand  aloof  at  a  crisis.-     It  is 
remarkable  that  so  Himsy  a  union  should  have  held 
together  at  all,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  most 
vigorous   and   successful   of  the  stadtholders  desired 
nothing  so  much  as  the  opportunity  of  arresting  these 
tendencies  to  disintegration  which  were  always  vexa- 
tious and  sometimes  threatenin^r. 

Generally  the  progress  of  the  Stadtholder  was  from 
the  influence  which   he  acquired  in  the  lesser  States 
to  the   maintenance  of  his  authority  over  the  larger, 
especially  Holland,  and  he  often  found   it  or  thought 
it  necessary  to  put  down  popular  institutions  in  the 
smaller    States    in    order   to   prepare    himself    for   a 
struggle  with  the  elements  of  resistance  in  the  larger 
For   during    the    struggle    between    the    monarchical 
mfluence   of  the    Stadtholder   and    the  distrust    and 
resistance  of  the  republicans,  the  mass  of  the  people 
were  generally  on  the  side  of  the  house  of  Orange, 
while  the  principal  burghers  and    merchants  formed 
the  strength  of  the  Republican  party.     Unlike  what 
has  happened   in  other  countries,   the  populace  was 
on  the  side  of  monarchy,  that  which  was  practically 
the  aristocracy,  on  that  of  democratic  government. 

By  far  the  largest  part  of  the  wealth  and  i)ower  of 
the    United    Provinces  was  centred  in    the  State  of 
Holland,  and  in  the  city  of  Amsterdam.     Important 
as    the   success    of  the  movement  would    be   to  the 
fortunes  of  the  Republic,  William  found  the  greatest 


AMSTERDAM, 


341 


difficulty  in  winning  the  assent  of  the  Amsterdam 
burghers  to  the  expedition  of  1688.  After  the  death 
of  William,  and  the  re-establishment  of  the  Republic 
without  a  Stadtholder,  the  State  of  Holland  took  the 
lead  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  ;  and  till  1720,  when  he 
died,  Hcinsius,  the  friend  of  William,  and  the  Pen- 
sionary, was  practically  the  ruler  of  the  Provinces 
from  1689.  But  though  the  State  of  Holland  had 
made  great  sacrifices,  the  smaller  States  were  jealous 
of  it,  and  were  untiring  in  their  efforts  to  break  down 
its  supremacy.  The  best  way  in  which  this  could  be 
done  was  to  restore  the  Stadtholder. 

Now  at  William's  death  he  recognized  as  his  heir 
one  John  William  Friso,  the  Stadtholder  of  Friesland 
and  Groningen,  and  these  two  States  proposed  that 
their  Stadtholder  should  be  appointed  general  of  the 
infantry  in  1704,  though  he  was  still  very  young.    But 
his  claims  to  represent  the  house  of  Orange  was  con- 
tested by   the    Brandenburg    family,  who  afterwards 
became  kings  of  Prussia,  and  though  the  Provinces 
at  last  agreed  that  John  W^illiam  should  be  a  general 
of  the  Dutch  army,  the  State  of  Holland  proposed, 
and  apparently  succeeded  in  their  contention,  that  all 
the  provinces  should  take  oath  that  they  would  pre- 
serve the  union  without  a  Stadtholder.    In  171 1  John 
William  was  drowned,  and  a  posthumous  son  of  his, 
William  Charles   Henry,  w^as  born.     Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  rights  of  this  branch  of  the  house  of 
Orange  being  disputed,  and  one  of  the  competitors 
being  an  infant,  the  question  of  the  stadtholderate  slept. 
The  claims  of  the  king  of  Prussia  were  indirectly,  but 
practically,  surrendered  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 


342      INTERNAL    TROUBLES   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  1722  the  partisans  of  the  boy,  now  eleven  years 
old,  urged  that  he  should  be  elected  Stadtholder  of  the 
United  Provinces,  with  the  object,  as  I  have  suggested, 
of    breaking  down   the  .supremacy  of  Holland,  and 
especially   of    Amsterdam.       Hut    the    attempt    was 
premature,  and    William  was  for  some  time  merely 
Stadtholder  of  Guelderland,   and    with   vrr>'    limited 
powers.     There  was.  however,  no  doubt  that   most  ol 
the  European  monarchs  were  sincerely  anxious  that 
the  Dutch  Republic  should  have  an  hereditary  chief 
Ihe  success  and  opulence  of  free  institutions  was  dis- 
tasteful in  their  exes, and  it  was  pretty  obvious  that  if 
Holland  could  have  a  monarch  thrust  on   them,  and 
be   entangled   in  the   luiropean   ^\  stem,    the    menace 
of  a  free  govcrnnuut  wedged  in  between  two  absolute 
monarchies  would  soon  cease  to  be  a  danger. 

Shortly  after  the  treaties  of  Utrecht  ami  Rastadt, 
by    which    what    had     formerly    been     the    Spanish 
Netherlands  came  into  the  possession  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  the  emi)eror,  Charles  VI.,  once  the  pretender 
to  the  Spanish  crown,  granted  commissions  to  Ostend 
traders,  empowering  them  to  carry  on  commerce  with 
the   East   Indies.      These   commissions   were  eagerly 
accepted  by  private  individuals,  both  in  ICnglancrand 
Holland,  who  under   the  name  of  interlopers,  strove 
to  appropriate   a    portion    of    the    trade    which    had 
hitherto  been  the  monopoly  understate  guarantees  of 
the  Dutch  and  I^nglish  companies.     These  companies 
had,    at    great    expense,    built   factories,    established 
relations   with    natixe   powers,  and  acquired  a   trade, 
and  it  seemed  not  a  little  unjust  that  traders  who  had 
incurred  no  such  expense,  should  reap  the  fruits  of 


THE  OSTEND   COMPANY. 


343 


Other  people's  labours.     Remonstrances  addressed  to 
Charles  were  of  no  avail,  the  grievance  and  the  loss 
continued,  the  English  Government  forbade  Enghsh 
subjects  from  accepting  commissions  from   a  foreign 
Power  for  trading  to  the  East  Indies,  and  the  Dutch 
adopted    similar    measures.       In     1722    Charles    of 
Austria  went  farther.     He  granted  a  charter  of  m- 
corporation  to  the  Ostend  East  India  Company  with 
a  capital   of    six   million    florins,    and    the    trade    of 
Holland  and  England  is  said  to  have  been  seriously 

compiDmiscd.  it  -^  ^ 

Now  this  proceeding  was  denounced  by  the  United 
Provinces   as   a   plain    infraction    of    the    prov.s.ons 
contaiTicd  in  the  treaty  of  Munstcr,  under  which  the 
Kin.-   of    Spain    bound    himself    that   none   of    h.s 
subjects  should  sail  from  Europe  to  India,  and  that 
as  the  emperor  had  succeeded  to  the  King  of  Spam 
in  the  Netherlands  and  Southern  Italy,  he  was  bound 
by  the  conditions  under  which  his  predecessor  was 
limited.     The  English  argued,  that  by  the  treaty  o 
Madrid  in  1670,  their  merchants  were  admitted  to  all 
the  advantages  which  the  Dutch  enjoyed  under  the 
treaty  of  Munster,  and  that  the  English  Government 
was  justified  in  suppressing  this  trade.   They  followed 
up  their  remonstrance  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  under 
which  serious  pecuniary  penalties  were  to  be  levied 
on  all  British  subjects  who  subscribed  to  the  Ostend 
Company,  and  such  persons  as  were  detected  in  India 
.vithout  the  license  of  the   !■  nglish   Company  were 
made  liable  to  imprisonment  and  corporal  chastise- 
ment at  the  discretion  of  the  Ea.st  India  Company  s 
authorities. 


344      i^TERNAL    TROUBLES  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

These  severe  restraints  of  traile  in  the  interests  of 
a  monopoly  granted  by  the  state  arc  interesting  as 
they  nidicate  what  was,  in  the  opinion  of  the  age,  the 
safest  and  most  continuous  source  of  national  wellth 
But,  m   tlic  end,  the  luiglish   Kast   India   Company 
paid  Its  dividends  out  of  its  conquests  and  lost  by  its 
trade,  and  the  ruin  of  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam  was 
effected   by  the  loans   uliich  it   made  to  the  Dutch 
Last  India  Company,  whose  trade  was  conducted  on 
even  more  vicious  and  costly  principles  than  that  of 
Its  Knghsh  rival  was.     The  Dutch  con<,ucsts  and  the 
administration  of  its  territory  in  the  last  did  indeed 
supply   Holland  a  tevenue  and  does  so  still.      The 
career  of  the  two  companies  has  been  similar. 

After   an    existence    of    nine    years    the    Ostend 
Company  was  abolished,  not  because  Charles  acknow- 
edged  that  in   creating  it  he  had  violated  the  treaty 
law  of  hurope,  but   because  he   wished  to  get  the 
assent    of    the    various    European     Powers    to    the 
Pragmatic  Sanction,  under  which  the  inheritance  of 
his  German  dominions  was  to  be  secured  to  his  only 
daughter,  Maria  Theresa,  and,  as  he  fondly  hoped  the 
German   I-.mpire  to  her  husband.     The  historian   of 
Holland  is  forced  to  admit  that   in   their  eagerness  to 
get  nd  of  a  rival,  the  Dutch  allowed   themselves  to 
be  again  involved  in  lunopean  d>  nastic  complications 
m  which  they  had  no  interest,  and  that  the  gain  was 
not  worth  the  risk. 

Between  17,8  and  1720  France  and  England  were 
the  scene  of  the  wildest  speculation,  and\he  unac- 
countable madness  of  the  trading  classes  in  the  two 
kmgdoms   has  been  the  natural  object  of  comment 


il 


THE   GREAT  BUBBLES. 


345 


by  all  those  who  have  treated  of  the  facts.  The 
proximate  cause  of  this  speculation  was  the  attempts 
of  the  several  governments  to  relieve  themselves  in 
part  from  the  annual  burden  caused  by  the  dynastic 
wars  in  which  luirope  had  been  engaged.  The 
Dutch  had  laid  a  tax  of  the  hundredth  penny  on 
their  own  public  funds  (although  it  was  alleged  that 
this  was  only  a  disguised  repudiation)  for  three  years. 
The  Regent  of  h^ance  began  by  debasing  the  currency, 
then  commenced  the  issue  of  paper  money,  then 
intrusted  his  bank  to  Law,  who  became  a  Papist  in 
order  to  secure  the  public  confidence,  and  finally 
issued  unlimited  j)aper  on  the  security  of  the  Mississipi 
project.  The  collapse  and  ruin  of  this  project  did 
not  deter  Englishmen  from  a  similar  madness.  The 
South  Sea  Company  had  procured  the  contract  for 
the  importation  of  negroes  into  America,  and  had 
guaranteed  the  conversion  of  certain  6  per  cent. 
Government  stocks  into  a  5  per  cent.  The  success 
of  this  expedient,  in  which  the  Company's  intervention 
was  found  unnecessary,  induced  the  Gov^ernment  to 
attempt  the  conversion  of  all  the  public  stock  into 
joint  stock  capital.  The  directors  of  the  Company 
took  it,  puffed  it,  profited  by  it,  and  the  thing 
collapsed.  There  was  no  public  frenzy  in  Holland, 
but  many  Dutchmen  ventured  on  Law's  scheme  and 
the  South  Sea  project,  and  suffered  accordingly. 

In  1729,  after  a  vain  attempt  two  years  before  to 
capture  Gibraltar,  the  treaty  of  Madrid  was  concluded 
between  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Spain  as  con- 
siderable l^jwers,  with  the  object  of  maintaining,  by 
force    if  necessary,    the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of 


346      INTERNAL    TROUBLES  OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Utrecht.  To  this  treaty  the  States- General  were 
invited  to  give  their  assent,  to  which  they  agreed. 
Under  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty,  the  States- 
General  were  to  keep  on  foot  a  very  moderate  force 
for  the  guarantee,  were  to  obtain  the  entire  abolition 
of  the  Ostend  Company,  full  compensation  for  all 
their  losses  and  grievances,  and  commercial  privileges 
on  the  most  favoured  nation  principle.  In  the  same 
year  the  Dutch  East  India  Company  was  continued 
for  twenty-one  years,  on  payment  of  three  and  a  half 
million  guilders  to  the  States  treasury. 

Amsterdam  was  still  the  centre  of  luiropean  trade 
and  exchange,  and  its  bank  was  still  the  object  of 
admiration  and  env}'.  The  growth  of  the  I'jiglish 
mercantile  marine  necessitated  the  [>a\'ment  of 
large  sums  through  Amsterdam.  The  corn  trade 
was  by  the  tradition  of  Dutch  commerce  centered  in 
Amsterdam.  Dealings  in  public  funds  had  become 
a  recognized  branch  of  investment  and  speculation, 
and  transactions  in  these  securities  were  generally 
carried  out  at  Amsterdam,  to  whose  bank  remit- 
tances due  for  interest  were  sent.  The  Kn<rlish 
Government  of  the  da)-,  whose  polic>'  w  .i>  \  igorously 
attacked,  though  later  times  have  borne  testimony  to 
the  financial  abilities  and  [)acific  policy  of  W'alpole, 
was  obliged  to  give  its  reasons  for  the  fact  that  the 
exchange  was  generally  against  England  and  in  fivour 
of  Holland.  It  was  still  the  great  trading  mart  of 
the  world. 

The  fire  of  religious  persecution  was  not  yet 
extinct.  The  I'rotestants  of  Savoy  were  still  being 
harried,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  one  of  the 


HOLLAND   A   REFUGE. 


347 


German  prince  bishops,  was  enforcing  the  gospel  by 
fire  and  sword  against  his  subjects  and  spiritual  sons. 
Secure  in  his  castle  built  on  the  great  rock  which 
dominates  the  whole  valley  in  which  this  town  lies, 
the  prince  prelate  enforced  his  spiritual  counsel  by 
occasional  cannonades,  and  by  a  torture  chamber  duly 
furnished  in  the  stronghold.  Naturally  enough,  the 
Savoyards  and  Salzburgers  fled,  and  Holland  welcomed 
them.  The  former  could  not,  however,  like  most 
people  of  the  mountain.^ 
bear  the  flats,  the  canals, 
and  dykes  of  Holland, 
and  returned,  preferring 
the  ri^ks  of  persecution. 
Meantime,  Henedict  XIH. 
put  out  a  service  in  ho- 
nour of  Gregory  VII., and 
his  excommunication  of 
Henry  IV.,  Emperor  of 
Germany.  The  Dutch, 
now  entirely  tolerant,  for- 
bade the  reading  r)f  this 
service  within  the  States, 
and  in  order  to  check  Jesuit  intrigues,  to  which  the 
rite  was  undoubtedly  due,  encouraged  the  settlement 
of  a  Jansenist  archbishop  at   Utrecht.     This  church 

still  subsists. 

But  a  greater  danger  than  the  Jesuits  and  the  Bull 
imigenitus,  which  they  had  got  from  the  Pope,  was 
threatening  Holland.  In  1732  it  was  found  that  the 
ships  from  the  East  had  carried  with  them  a  curious 
shell  fish,  which  has  a  habit  of  boring  into  wood  and 


ST.F.ir.H. 


« 


34^      INTERNAL    TROUBLES   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 


MARRIAGE    WITH   THE   HOUSE   OF  HANOVER.      349 


even  into  stone  of  moderate  hardness.  The  Pholas 
has  a  shell  which  is  armed  with  a  saw,  bv  which  it  is 
able  to  carve  out  a  habitation  for  itself,  and  efTectually 
destroy  the  timber  or  stone  in  which  it  carves  It 
had  attacked  the  timbers  on  which  the  dvkes  of 
Amsterdam,  and  indeed  of  Holland,  dep-nded  for 
their  very  existence,  and  threatened  to  do  what  Alva, 
and  Parma,  and  Spinola,  and  Louis  could  not  effect. 
It  was  discovered  in  good  time,  and  the  dykes  were 
strengthened  with  flint  and  granite,  materials  too 
hard  for  the  jaws  or  the  shells  of  the  Pholas.  But  the 
consternation  which  Holland  experienced  in  I732» 
was  as  great  as  that  of  sixty  j-ears  before,  and  was  as 
happily  averted,  though  not  at  such  a  cost. 

The  Republic  had  to  fight  against  the  constant 
risks  of  the  angry  sea,  against  shell  fish  which  its  own 
trade  had  unwittingly  imported,  against  the  greedy 
monarchs  of  Spain  and  France,  against  the  jealous 
merchants  of  P^ngland,  against  the  intrigues  of  the 
kings  with  whom  the  Orange  family  had  allied  itself, 
kings  who  had  strong  family  feelings  against  the 
people  who  have  permitted  them  to  rule.  Vov  the 
European  kings  have  never  scrupled  to  desi)oil  each 
other,  and  are  always  ready  to  unite  together,  in  order 
to  oppress  those  who  would  keep  them  in  check,  or 
resent  their  t>Tanny.  And  now  came  the  beginning 
of  the  end.  Holland,  despite  its  heroic  efforts  after 
freedom,  despite  the  wise  self-denial  of  William  the 
Silent,  and  the  hesitation  of  Maurice,  was  to  be 
handed  over  to  hereditary  monarchy,  and  the  vulgari- 
ties it  implies. 

In  earlier  da)'s  the  sympathy  of  the  poorer  Dutch- 


men with  the  house  of  Orange  was  partly  hereditary 
gratitude,  partly  disgust  at  the  arrogance  of  the 
mercantile  and  manufacturing  oligarchy  of  the  towns. 
It  is  an  inherent  vice  with  most  of  those  who  raise 
themselves  in  life,  that  thevare  more  harsh  and  severe 
to  the  class  from  which  they  have  sprung  than  those  are 
who  have  been  born  and  brought  up  in  more  affluent 
circumstances.  Set  a  capitalist  who  has  been  a 
labourer  over  workmen,  and  he  is  the  most  intolerant 
of  employers,  as  a  rule.  And  it  is  plain  that  Dutch- 
men, who  had  become  rich  out  of  nothing,  became 
sharp  to  the  ordinary  burgher.  The  evidence  is  clear 
enough,  though  1  cannot  tell  it  here,  for  lack  of  space. 
In  1733  the  i*rince  of  Orange  married  Anne,  the 
eldest  dauHiter  of  Georije  the  Second  of  EnHand. 
There  was  no  doubt  that  there  was  many  an  honest 
Dutchwoman  who  said  on  this  occasion,  as  a  Scotch- 
woman of  Argyleshire  is  reported  to  have  said  not 
long  ago,  on  the  occasion  of  a  similar  marriage — "  Ah! 
the  Queen  of  England  must  be  a  proud  woman  to  day 
when  she  has  married  her  daughter  to  our  prince."  The 
States-General  remonstrated,  hinted  that  they  ought 
to  be  consulted  w^hen  one  of  their  principal  subjects 
marries  into  a  foreign  royal  house,  were  snubbed  for 
their  pains,  were  assured  that  the  P^nglish  monarch 
would  protect  the  integrity  of  Holland,  and  had 
to  acquiesce.  They  foresaw  that  they  would  be 
entangled  in  those  German  interests  which,  with  the 
English  King  George  the  Second,  w^ere  far  more 
important  than  those  of  the  country  which  had 
adopted  him,  and  had  raised  him  from  a  petty  German 
potentate  to  one  of  the  first  thrones  in   Europe.      If 


350      INTERNAL    TROUBLES  OF   THE  REPUBLIC. 


Georg^e  cared  very  little  for  Mii«;land  when  Hanover 
was  concerned,  he  was  pretty  sure  to  care  even  less 
for  Holland.  lUit  the  Republic  which  had  committed 
the  error  of  i,nving  a  guarantee,  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
the  Ostend  Company,  soon  found  they  had  gone  tcxD 
far  to  recede. 


VVINDMUJ.S,   ZAANDAM. 


■  ^   Wl'lL'.— ^ 

■npi^pVMQl 

^^-^-^■J^^ff  ^^Lf  ^^ 

I5E^!3^^ 

1^-^^'^  'Mfc'^M^fiB 

ss^^ 

Jj^^^>iilSj^ 

a^ 

gy^^^HI 

^^^r^^^ 

t^^"^ 

SSv^*^^^ 

v^i9^3 

I^^M^ 

vfijtii^f^^ 

^  *■  *■  "^Mp^  \  vi'^l^"'^"^ 

C^^SEs 

W^^^W 

KA*/^l^fi^« 

IV'^^ 

'C^^J^  - j^l.     v^H^^n  1^1 

K.^&fcil  i!^p1 

fo^J^Kgg^^ 

iVs^ 

jM^^^t^^Wlig^^ 

^^^^S 

Efc*^ 

^^^ 

XXXV. 


DOWN     HILL. 


TlIL  Dutch,  as  my  reader  remembers,  liad  won  their 
freedom  from  Spain.  At  one  time  there  was  good 
reason  to  believe  that  tlicy  would  have  won.  with  their 
own,  the  freedom  of  the  whole  of  those  Netherlands, 
which  had  been,  less  than  three  centuries  before,  the 
collective  inheritance  of  the  house  of  Burgundy. 
Had  the  life  of  William  the  Silent  been  prolonged,  it 
midit  have  been  the  case  that  this  great  result  would 
have  happened,  and  that  the  first  industrial  Power  in 
Europe  would  have  been  a  series  of  federated  republics 
and  cities,  in  which  true  principles  of  government  and 
a  just  regard  for  all  national  interests  would  have 
been  maintained.  Now  I  think  there  are  few  less 
profitable  speculations  than  a  discussion  as  to  what 
would  have  happened  had  the  life  of  this  or  that 
public  man  been  prolonged.  William  was  murdered 
by  a  hired  assassin  ;  but  even  before  this  crime  was 
committed,  the  inveterate  vice  of  the  Netherlands- 
mutual  jealousy  and  the  want  of  political  cohesion- 
left  them  an  easy  prey  to  the  great  and  wicked  men 


352 


DOWN   HILL, 


whom    Philip   sent   a-ainst    them.     The    Council    of 
Blood  destroyed   all   aspirants   after  national   liberty, 
and  all  who  were  suspected   of  any  leanin-  towards 
the  Reformed  faith.     It  is  a  mistake  to  say  that  per- 
secution  will    not    destroy    a  creed.      If  it    be    quite 
systematic  and   entirely  unscrupulous   it  can    utterly 
extinguish  a  creed.     It  did  so  with    Protestantism   in 
Glanders,   France.  Spain,  Austria,  and   Bohemia.      It 
did  so  with  the  Roman  relinrion   in   Sweden,  in  Den- 
mark, in  much  of  North  Germany.     1  he  Dutch  and 
the  Flemish  nations  were  severed   hv  the   I.Kiuisition 
and  the  arts  of  diplomacy  have  been   unable  to  unite' 
them. 

Now  there  are  three  European  nations  which  have 
always  been  at  variance,  at  least  as  Ion-  as  one  of 
them  was  in  fightin-  trim,  and   since  that  time  the 
remaining   two   have    been    perpetually   quarrellin- 
Ihe   three    were    France,    Spain,    and    the    German 
hmpire,  the  last  for  a  time  identified  with  the  house  of 
Austria,  and  within  our  own  experience  with  that  of 
Prussia.     For  a  long  time  the  struggle  was  principally 
between  France  and  Spain,  till,  in  the  end,  Spain  was 
entirely  exhausted,  and   became  of  little  account  in 
the   councils    of  p:urope.     Then    all    the    efforts    of 
France,  and  all  the  military  purposes  of  her  kinos  and 
rulers,   were  devoted  towards  crippling  the  house  of 
Austria.     Later  on,  and  quite  recently,  I'rance  tried 
conclusions    with    a    new    German    power,    and    was 
considerably  surprised  at  the  result.     It  is  not  easy  to 
say  whether,  in  these  later  days,  her  old  passion  for 
an    enlarged    frontier    lias  passed   away,   and    slie    is 
prepared  to  accept  the  present  situation. 


T//£  BOUNDARIES  OF  EUROPEAN  STA  TES.      353 

Now  it  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  which  purported  to  go  on  the  same  lines  with 
the  famous  Peace  of  Munster  or  Westplialia,  the  boun- 
daries of  the  several  European  states  were  generally 
settled.     Some  changes,  to  be  sure,  were  made,  one  of 
which  was  of    great  significance  to   Holland.      The 
Spanish  Netherlands  were  transferred  to  Austria,  and 
a  country  which   France  always  eagerly  coveted  was 
given  to  a  sovereign  who  had  enough  to  do  to  hold 
his  own   in  Germany,  and  would  find   it  difficult   to 
defend  his  new  ac(|uisition.     France  had  already,  as 
the    Dutch    too   well    knew,  got   a  foothold    in    the 
Netherlands  by  tlic  acquisition  of  Dunkirk,  and  had 
winked    at    or   encouraged    its    becoming  a  nest  of 
pirates.       The    demolition    of    the    fortifications    of 
Dunkirk  was  a  capital  point  in  the  negotiations  for  a 
peace.    The  Dutch  were  supposed  to  be  defended  by 
a  series  of  forts  in   Flemish  territory,  called  barrier 
towns,  which  they  garrisoned.     But  on  the  west,  for 
all  this,  they  had  the  French  nation,  ahvays  eager  to 
extend-  its  frontier  on  the  east,  at  the  expense  of 
Austria,  and    on    the    east    they   had    the    Prussian 
kingdom,  which   at   a  time,  when  the   opinion   was 
current  that  kings  succeeded  by  inheritance  to  nations, 
just  as  though  they  were  cows  or  sheep,  claimed  in  a 
vague  way  the  succession  to  the  Stadtholder's  office, 
though  for  a  time  the  IVussian  ruler  had  been  put  off 
w  ith  a  compensation. 

Now  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  Charles  VI.,  was  the  person  on  whose  behalf 
the  English  and  Dutch  had  waged  the  war  of  the 
Spanish  succession  from  the  year   1702  till  the  year 


354 


DOWN   HILL, 


1713.  In  171 1  he  became  Emperor  of  Germany  on 
the  unexpected  death  of  his  brother  Joseph,  who  left 
behind  him  daughters,  his  only  son  having  died. 
Charles  had  a  son  who  died  >'oung,  and  a  daughter, 
Maria  Theresa,  who  married  Francis  of  Lorraine  and 
afterwards  of  Tuscany.  Every  effort  was  made  by 
the  emperor  to  get  the  various  European  l^owers  to 
acknowledge  what  goes  in  history  by  the  name  of 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  a  decree  of  the  emperor 
under  which  the  Austrian  inheritance  was  declared 
to  descend  to  the  females  of  his  line.  One  by  one, 
and  for  this  or  that  reason,  the  several  Powers  agreed 
to  abide  by  this  new  line  of  succession,  the  commonest 
plea,  one  by  the  way  which  the  I^Vench  G(nernmcnt 
put  prominently  forward,  being  that  such  a  line  of 
policy  would  preserve  that  balance  of  power  in 
Europe,  which  it  was  the  object  of  the  great  treaties 
to  affirm  and  maintain. 

Among  the  nations   which  agreed   to  accept  and 
support   the    Pragmatic    Sanction    was    the    Dutch. 
Charles,  as  I  have  already  said,  approached   them  on 
their  weak  side,  the  Ostend  Company,   and  agreed  to 
suppress  it,  as  the  price  of  their  acquiescence  in  his 
favourite  project.     Here  then    were    the   Hollanders, 
who   had    been    successfully    resisting    the    dynastic 
claims   of  the  house  of  Orange  against  themselves, 
agreeing  to  a  new  departure  in  Germany,  and  willing 
to  risk  their  lives,  their  trade,    and    their  wealth    in 
a  family  arrangement  from  which  they  could  get  no 
possible  benefit  whatever.     It    is    not,    I    think,    too 
much  to  say,  that  had  the  Dutch  stood  entirely  aloof 
in  the  war  of  the  Austrian  succession,  and  not  suf- 


THE   PRAGMATIC   SANCTION, 


355 


fered  themselves  to  bo  embroiled  in  it,  the  Republic 
would  have  been  saved,  and  tl  ou  di  it  miirht  not  have 
been  possible  to  have  resisted  revolutionary  France, 
it  would  not  have  collapsed  so  ignominiously  as  it 
did.  During  the  disputes  about  the  slave  trade 
with  the  Spanish  colonies,  Holland  had  contrived 
to  preserve  her  neutrality,  though  Dutch  interests 
were  so  universal  that  no  two  nations  could  quarrel 
without  Amsterdam  suffering  some  heavy  pecuniary 
loss. 

One  of  the  German  princes,  the  Elector  of  Bavaria, 
had  persistently  refused  to  accept  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction.  He  had  some  reason  on  his  side,  for  he 
had  married  a  daughter  of  the  lun[)eror  Joseph,  elder 
bnUher  of  Charles  \T.,  and  if  female  claims  were  to 
be  admitted,  had,  from  a  modern  point  of  view,  a 
better  claim  than  his  wife's  cousin  possessed.  He 
became  emperor  under  the  title  of  Charles  VII.,  but 
only  reigned  three  years.  Charles  VI.  died  in 
October  1740,  and  his  successor  was  elected  two 
years  afterwards. 

Now  every  one  who  has  read  German  history,  and 
in  particular  that  of  the  house  of  Prussia,  knows  that 
just  about  the  time  that  Charles  VT.  died  there  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Prussian  throne  a  king  who  is  called 
Frederic  the  Great,  perhaps  because  he  broke  his  word 
about  the  succession  of  Maria  Theresa,  and  took 
advantage  of  her  defenceless  condition  to  lay  waste 
and  annex  part  of  her  dominions.  The  story  of  how 
gallantly  the  Queen  of  Hungary  defended  herself, 
and  how  Frederic  had  to  suffer  a  good  many  reverses 
before  he  could  actually  get  secure  possession  of  what 


356 


DOWN  HILL. 


he  coveted,  is  told  in  the  histories,  and  does  not 
concern  us.  Holland,  which  had  a  good  deal  to  lose 
and  nothing  to  gain,  kept  its  word,  however  unwisely 
it  was  given  ;  and  agreed  to  find  the  queen  a  force  of 
20,000  men,  though  some  of  the  States  remonstrated, 
because  the  Austrian  Government  had  not  extin- 
guished the  Ostcnd  Company.  But  Holland  was 
dragged  into  the  struggle,  and  in  the  end  suffered 
more  than  any  of  the  combatants,  for  she  lost  her 
liberty,  surrendering  it  to  an  hereditary  stadt- 
holder,  and  came  out  of  the  war  simi)ly  crippled  by 
debt. 

The  King  of  England  eagerly  took  the  part  of  the 
Austrian  queen.  The  French  Government  took  the 
side  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  I^ut  the  war  was  one  of 
cross  purposes.  England  engaged  with  I^Vancc,  but 
did  not  attack  Prussia,  and  Maria  Theresa  fought 
against  Bavaria  and  Prussia.  The  English  won  the 
battle  of  Dcttingen,  and  the  French  supplied  Charles 
Edward,  known  as  the  young  Pretender,  with  means 
for  invading  England.  Then  when  Charles  VH.  died 
at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1745,  and  the  husband 
of  Maria  Theresa  was  elected  emperor,  a  peace  was 
patched  up  with  IVussia,  and  England  and  Holland 
were  left  to  carry  on  the  war  with  France.  The  war 
was  transferred  to  the  Netherlands,  and  one  after  the 
other  the  French  army  captured  the  Flemish  towns.  In 
May,  1745,  occurred  the  battle  of  Fontenoy,  in  which 
the  French  gained  a  victory,  and  the  Dutch  suffered 
severely.  Loss  soon  followed  upon  loss,  and  the 
Dutch  became  eager  for  peace,  the  more  so  as  the 
original   reason   for  which   war  was  undertaken  had 


[VILLL4M   IV,   STADTHOLDER. 


357 


i 


ceased  to  operate,  since  the  Queen  of  Hungary  had 
become  Empress  of  Germany.  But  though  the  Dutch 
desired  peace  the  English  desired  war,  and  George 
of  luigland  wished  to  thrust  his  son-in-law  into  an 
hereditary  position.  In  1747  Holland  was  invaded, 
and  scenes  like  those  of  1672  were  threatened.  The 
Orange  party,  always  most  active  in  the  midst  of 
national  disaster,  insisted  on  William  IV.  being  made 
Stadtholdcr.  Zeland  proclaimed  him,  and  soon  the 
whole  seven  provinces  elected  him.  Advantage  was 
taken  of  the  situation  to  propose  that  his  office 
should  be  made  hereditary,  and  this  proposal  was 
accepted. 

Holland  now  ceased  to  be  a  republic  in  anything 
but  name.  The  States  were  still  High  Mightinesses, 
and,  as  far  as  phrases  went,  were  still  the  powers 
which  had  carried  the  little  State  through  all  her 
perils,  and  made  her  friendship  of  account  at  every 
P^uropean  Court  But  all  the  real  power  which  the 
magistrates  wielded  was  taken  away,  and  transferred 
to  the  Stadtholdcr,  who  with  the  functions  of 
royalty,  took  upon  hiin  no  little  of  its  state  and 
emblems.  The  debt  and  taxation  of  Holland  were 
enormous  and  crushing.  The  Peace  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  was  signed  in  October,  1748,  and  Holland 
was  left  exhausted.  The  Dutch  Republic  was  at  an 
end. 

To  my  mind  the  struggle  of  the  Hollanders  for 
their  liberties  is  as  instructive,  as  heroic,  and  as 
important  as  that  of  Athens  against  Persia,  and  was 
vastly  more  prolonged.  The  issue  of  the  strife  was  of 
the  most  profound   significance  to  Europe.     It  sue- 


I 


WILLIAM   IV 


THE   REPUBLIC  AT  AN  END. 


359 


cessfully  contravened  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and 
as  successfully  vindicated  the  principle  that  the  creed 
of  a  nation,  and  next  of  individuals,  is  a  matter  of 
their  own  choice  and  their  own  conscience.  To  me, 
whenever  I  visit  it,  the  Square  of  the  Binnenhof  at  the 
I  lague  is  the  holiest  spot  in  modern  Europe,  for  here 
the  great  deliverance  was  wrought  out.  But  there 
still  remains  the  sequel  of  the  story,  which  must  be 
briefly  told. 


WILLIAM    IV 


THE    REPVllUC   AT   AS   i:\D, 


359 


ccssfully  contravened  the  divine  ri-ht  of  kin-s,  and 
as  successfully  vindicated  the  principle  that  the  creed 
of  a  nation,  and  next  of  individuals,  is  a  matter  of 
their  ov.n  choice  and  their  own  conscience.  To  me, 
whenever  I  visit  it,  the  Scjuareof  the  Hinnenhof  at  the 
Ila-ue  is  the  holiest  spot  in  modern  Kurope,  for  here 
llie  -reat  deliverance  was  wrou^rlit  out.  lUit  there 
still  remains  the  sequel  of  the  stor>-,  which  must  be 
briell)-  told. 


XXXVI. 

HOLLAND     TO     THE    TIMK    OF     THE     AKMLD 

NEUTRALITY. 

Perhaps,  if  the  life  of  William  IV.  had  been  pro- 
longed, mischievously  subject  as  Holland  became  to 
British  policy  during  the  war  which  was  concluded 
by   the    Peace   of    Aix  -  la  -  Chapelle    in     174^^,     the 
country,  though  it  would  have  necessarily  fallen  far 
behind  its  ancient  vigour  and  reputatic^n,  might  have 
to  a  large  extent  recovered.     William   IV.,  though  a 
very  ordinary  person,  and  invested  with  powers  which 
he  speedily  extended,  such  as  those  of  chief  director 
and    governor    of   the  East  and    West    India  Com- 
panies, was  sincerely  anxious  to  promote  or  restore 
the  prosperity  of  his  country,  and    had  at  least  the 
wisdom  to  know  that  the  show  of  arbitrary  power  was 
more  dangerous  than  the  possession  of  it.     Nor  was 
William,  raised  to  office  at  the  conclusion  of  one  war, 
anxious  to  consolidate    his    authority    by    sacrificing 
the  interests  of  Holland  and  provoking  another  war. 
Hence    the  memory   of  William   IV.  is  respected  in 
Holland  to  a  degree  which  neither  the  length  of  his 


ANNE    THE   GOVERNESS. 


361 


reign,  nor  the  capacity  which  he  exhibited  at  all 
justify.  He  died  in  175  i,  at  the  age  of  forty,  after  he 
had  held  his  office,  now  made  hereditary,  for  only  four 
years.  He  left  an  only  son,  afterwards  William  V., 
then  only  three  years  old,  and  a  daughter.  His 
widow,  Anne  of  Kngland,  became  regent  under  the 
title  of  Governess,  and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  was 
continued  as  commander-in-chief,  an  office  conferred 
on  him  by  William  IV.  when  his  own  health  was 
breaking.  Perhaps  the  misfortunes  and  miseries  of 
the  next  epoch  have  been  a  benefit  to  the  memory 
of  William  IV. 

Of  course,  Anne  of  Kngland,  the  Governess,  during 
the  time  that  she  lived  and  had  the  management  of 
affairs,  did  her  very  best  to  make  the  hereditary 
stadtholderate  an  irrevocable  situation,  and,  indeed,  the 
Dutch,  once  high-spirited  and  jealous  of  their  liberties, 
seem  to  have  vied  with  nations,  in  which  servility  is  a 
tradition,  in  fulsome  adulation  of  the  house  of  Orange 
and  the  young  prince.  One  of  her  projects,  in  which 
she  succeeded  after  some  opposition,  was  to  make  the 
councils  in  the  towns  the  nominees  of  the  Orange  party. 
She  died  in  January,  1759,  when  her  son  was  eleven 
years  old,  and  at  the  time  of  her  death  was  deser- 
vedly distrusted  and  disliked.  The  cause  of  this 
feeling  was  the  incessant  attacks  she  made  on  what 
remained  of  the  Dutch  constitution,  and  her  obvious 
sacrifice  of  Dutch  to  luiglish  interests  during  the 
Seven  Years'  War. 

The  object  of  this  war  was  to  determine  which  of 
the  two  countries,  France  or  Great  Britain,  should 
succeed  in  obtaining  a  sole  market  in  the  Eastern  and 


362 


TO    THE   ARMED   NEUIKALITY. 


I 


I 


Western  Worlds.  The  contest,  in  brief,  was  for  North 
America  and  India,  and  for  some  time  the  issue  was 
doubtful.  Now  it  was  of  no  consequence  whatever 
to  Holland  which  side  should  win  in  the  strusfijle,  if 
indeed  the  success  of  either  country  boded  any  ^ood 
to  Dutch  trade.  The  English  envoy,  Vorke,  claimed 
a  subsidy  from  the  Dutch,  and  the  French  envoy, 
D'Affry,  was  equally  positive  that,  according  to  the 
faith  of  treaties,  Holland  was  bound  to  assist  the 
iMcnch.  The  Governess,  of  course,  was  on  the  side  of 
the  English  envo\-.  lUit  she  could  not  induce  the 
States  to  take  part  in  the  war.  All  she  could  do  was 
to  leave  Holland  in  as  defenceless  a  state  as  possible, 
and  to  connive  at  the  enormous  injuries  which  British 
privateers  inflicted  on  Dutch  shipping. 

One  of  the  objects  which  the  advocates  of  the  sole- 
market  theory  had,  was  to  destroy  the  commerce  of 
their  rivals.  Now  the  English  Government,  which 
was  rapidly  becoming  the  principal,  if  not  the  only, 
maritime  power  of  Europe,  resolved  to  stop  all  trade 
with  France,  not  only  between  that  country  and  its 
own  subjects,  but  between  France  and  all  other 
nations,  defining  contraband  in  such  a  way  as  to  cover 
nearly  all  goods,  and  insisting  on  the  right  of  search. 
These  large  powers  were  conferred,  according  to  the 
policy  of  the  time,  on  privateers,  between  whom  and 
pirates  there  was  only  a  metaphysical  distinction.  In  a 
short  time  the  trade  of  Holland  was  nearly  ruined  by 
these  pirates,  and  the  elder  Pitt,  who  wished  to  cripple 
France,  and  drag  Holland  into  his  war,  encouraged 
the  wrong-doers.  Perhaps  at  no  time  in  its  history 
were   more    outrageous    injuries    perpetrated    on   a 


THE   GROWTH    OF    BRITISH    COMMERCE.      363 

neutral  nation  than  those  which  the  Dutch  suffered 
from  the  luiglish  during  the  time  of  the  elder  Pitt's 
administration.  These  privateers'  crews  pillaged 
the  ships  of  the  Dutch  companies  who  were  trading 
to  the  Dutch  colonies,  on  the  plea  that  they  might  be 
carrying  P^rcnch  goods.  The  Peace  of  Paris  in  1763 
gave  the  Dutch  some  breathing  time,  but  in  the  same 
year  a  formidable  commercial  panic,  attended  with 
numerous  bankruptcies,  occurred  in  Amsterdam. 

The  peace  of  1763  virtually  secured  to  Great 
Britain  what  she  entered  on  the  war  to  gain,  a  sole 
market.  The  PVench  were  almost  entirely  expelled 
from  India,  and  were  left  a  feeble  power  in  North 
America.  But  the  success  of  the  struggle  brought 
about  the  ruin  of  the  policy  which  it  had  established. 
As  long  as  the  French  held  possession  of  the  Mis- 
sissipi,  and  could  connect  their  southern  and  northern 
settlements  by  a  chain  of  forts,  and  adequate  com- 
munications, they  were  a  natural  source  of  alarm  to 
the  British  plantations  in  the  New  World,  and  the 
necessity  of  British  defence  was  a  guarantee  of  colonial 
loyalty.  But  as  soon  as  ever  the  danger  was  removed, 
the  only  power  which  the  American  Colonies  had  to 
fear  was  the  British  Government,  and  as  is  well-known, 
that  government  soon  gave  occasion  for  a  quarrel,  the 
outcome  of  which  was  American  independence,  and 
the  overthrow  of  the  sole- market  theory.  It  is  true 
that  the  elder  Pitt  was  opposed  to  the  scheme  for 
taxing  the  Colonies.  But  the  expenditure  of  his  wars 
had  left  British  finance  in  a  desperate  condition,  and 
had  made  the  Colonies  a  nation.  I  cannot  predict, 
had  the  Stamp  Act  not  been  imposed,  and  the  Boston 


364 


TO    THE   ARMED   NEUTRALITY. 


Mohawks  had  not  been  called  on  to  resist  the  tea  duty, 
how  long  these  colonies  would  have  accjuiesced  in 
dependence.  But  I  am  prett;-  sure  that  as  soon  as 
ever  a  colony  can  hold  its  own,  the  tie  to  the  mother 
country  is  inev^itably  weak,  and  will  bear  no  strain. 

The  time  when  the  youn^r  Sladtholder,  Wilh'.nn  V.. 
came    to    his    majority  was   ea.i^erly  welcomed.     The 
Dutch    still   believed    in    the   house    of  ( )ran-e,  and 
anticipated,  in  their  own  words,  that  the  prince  would 
"  fill  the  place  of  those  immortal  heroes  who  for  two 
centuries,"  &c.     He  was  eighteen  >'ears  of  age  when 
this  prophecy  was  uttered.      Perhaps  there  never  lived 
a  man  who  more  completely  falsified  expectations  than 
William  V.  did.      He  was  totally  deficient   in    reso- 
lution, indeed  in  any  character,  and   the  faults  of  his 
nature  were  studiously  accentuated,  it  was   believed, 
by  the    ignorance  of  all  public  affairs  in    which    his 
guardian,  Louii  of  Brunswick,  had  brought  him  up. 
To    this  person    he  entirely   deferred— with    him    he 
could  do  little,  without  him  he  could  do  nothing.    He 
soon  (1767;  married  a  princess  of  IVussia,  a  woman  of 
great   ability,  but    entirely  indifferent    to    Dutch  in- 
terests. Subject  to  her  and  to  the  Duke  of  l^runswick, 
William  soon    merited    the  distrust,  and    finally    the' 
contempt,  of  the  people  whose  great  history-  he  was 
to    bring    to   so   disgraceful  a  conclusion.     Already 
Holland  had  become  impotent. 

Twelve  years  after  the  Peace  of  Paris,  the  War  of 
American  Independence  broke  out.  The  Stadtholder 
of  course  wanted  the  States  to  take  the  side  of  the 
English,  and  thus  repudiate  the  very  principles  to 
which   they   ovved    their    own    independence.       But 


THE    WAR    OF  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE.      365 


Holland  had    now  accepted  a   hereditary  sovereign, 
and   hereditary    sovereigns    always    constitute    them- 
selves the  judges  of  a  difference  between  their  people 
and  themselves.  The  Dutch  had  reversed  that  doctrine^ 
and  now  a  section  of  the  English  race  was  following 
their  example.       She  could    not  therefore  take  the 
English  side.     In  consequence,  the  English   Govern- 
ment revived  the  old  practice   of  piracy,   under  the 
name  of    privateering,    made   prize   of    Dutdi  ships 
sailing  to  French  and  Spanish   ports,  though  no  war 
had  been  declared  with  either  country,  and  informed 
the  Dutch  Government,  that  if  the  States,  in  order  to 
protect  their   own  commerce,    increased   their   naval 
force,  they  would  treat  the  action  as  one  of  hostility. 
As  an  luiglishman,  I  am  heartily  ashamed   of  telling 
the  story.     It  is  one  of  undisguised  tyranny,  violence, 
oppression,  practised  by  a  strong  on  a  weak  state,  in 
which    the    head   of   the    latter  was    a   traitor  to  his 
country's  best  interests.     In  1779,  the  English  com- 
mander,   Fielding,    captured   the    Dutch    mercantile 
fleet,  with  four  Dutch  men-of-war;  and  in  1780,  Yorke, 
the    luiglish    ambassador  at    the    Hague,  demanded 
.subsidies  from  the  States,  whom  his  government  had 
just  before  plundered. 

By  this  time,  however,  the  English  Government  had 
overstrained  the  patience  of  all  other  nation.s.  It  was 
seen  that,  unless  some  steps  were  taken,  England 
would  put  herself  effectively  into  the  position  which 
Philij)  II.  had  very  ineffectually  assumed,  and  declare 
that  the  three  oceans  belonged  to  her,  and  to  her  only, 
and  that,  commerce  on  the  part  of  any  other  people 
must  depend   on   her  will.     Hence  Catherine   II.  of 


366 


TO    THE   ARMED   NEUTRALITY. 


Russia,  formulated  the' celebrated  n jrreem en t.  known 
as  the  "Armed  Neutrality,"  in  1780/ It  was  joined  by 
all  the  principal  states  of  Europe.  Every  effort  was 
made  by  the  English  to  bring  about  the  exclusion  of 
the  Dutch  from  this  alliance,  and  in  this  they  were  of 
course  assisted  by  the  Stadtholder.  The  Dutch 
hesitated,  but  in  the  end  resolved.  In  1780,  England 
declared  war  on  Holland,  and  severed  a  connection 
which  had  lasted  for  more  than  two  centuries. 


XXXVII. 

FROM   THE   WAR   OF  1781    TO  THE  CREATION   OF 

MONARCHY. 


The  entire  indifference  of  the  Stadtholder  to  national 
interests,  and  the  declaration  of  war,  with  the  great 
losses  which  followed  on  hostilities,  led  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  party  of  "Patriots"    in    Holland.     The 
framers  and  advocates  of  the  *' Armed  Neutrality,"  it 
is  true,  took  no  steps  to  defend  that  country  on  which 
the   brunt    of    the    contest  fell.     Nay,    many   of  the 
Powers  treated  them  with    less   favour  than  they  did 
the  English.    Probably  they  hoped  to  succeed  to  some 
of  the    Dutch    possessions,    and    to    all  its  trade.     If 
so,  the  English  were  beforehand  with  them,  for  they 
attacked  the  Dutch  possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  at 
the  Cape,  and  in  India,  before  the  rupture  was  known. 
The  spirits  of  the   Dutch  was  a  little    raised  by  the 
indecisive  naval    engagement  of  the  Doggerbank  in 
1781.     Peace  was  effected  in  1783,  but  on  disadvan- 
tageous terms  to  Holland. 

Meanwhile  the  Patriots  had  compelled  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  to  relinquish  his   authority  in   the  States, 


368      FROM    1781    TO   CREATION   OF   MONARCHY. 

and  the  Orange  faction  was  greatly  dcprc^^sed.     Day 
by  day,  the  wretched  Stadtholder  lost  character  and 
influence  with  his  unfortunate  countrymen,  while  the 
Dutch  contrasted  the  present  condition  of  the  States 
with  that  which  it  occupied  during  the  two  centuries 
of  heroism  of  which  she  had  fondly  anticipated  that 
William  would  be  a  present  exemplar.     The  Patriots 
began  to  resume  that  authority  over  the  councils  of 
which  the  Senates  had  been  deprived,  and  to    revive 
the  local  guard,  under  the  name  of"  schuttery,"  which 
had    been    all     but    disbanded     by    the    Stadtholder, 
William   complaining  that  his  prerogative  u.is  being 
invaded.   In  this  crisis,  the  King  of  Prussia  interfered, 
to  protect  the  interests  of  his  niece  and  her  husband, 
and  though  the  interference  came  to  little  more  than 
an  angry  protest,   the  Dutch   learnt  anew    how  wise 
their  forefathers    were,  when    more    than    a   century 
before,  they  suspected    what    would    ensue    if    their 
Stadtholder  allied  himself  with  the  reigning  houses  of 
Europe. 

In   1783  the   Dutch  were  attacked  by  Joseph   IT., 
Emperor  of  Austria.      It   was  owing   to  their  efforts 
that  the  Belgian   Xethei  lands  had  been  taken  from 
Spain,  and   made  over  to  Austria  under  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht.      Ikit  Joseph,  rightly  interpreting  the  finan- 
cial position  of  Holland,  and  seeing  how  discredited 
the  Stadtholder's  government  was,  determined  to  take 
advantage  of  the  situation  to  wrest  the  navigation  of 
the  Scheldt  from  the  Dutch,  and  secure  himself,  if  he 
pleased,  an  easy  entry  into  Holland.     In    1784,  war 
seemed  impending,  and  the  States  made  some  effort 
to  enlist  soldiers,  and  to  collect  arms-  stores.     Hut  the 


THE   PATRIOT  PARTY, 


369 


emperor's  threat  came  to  nothing.  The  house  of 
Austria  has  always  depended  for  its  existence  on 
foreign  alliances  and  foreign  subsidies,  and  Joseph 
was  not  popular  with  other  European  governments. 
He  therefore  patched  up  a  peace  with  the  States,  the 
principal  condition  of  which  was  that  the  Dutch 
should  pay  him  some  money. 

The  Patriot  or  States  party  was  meanwhile  in- 
creasingly hostile  to  the  unpopular  Stadtholder,  and 
.set  to  work  to  deprive  him  of  all  the  prerogatives 
which  he  had  usurped,  and  even  of  those  which  the 
States  had  granted,  forty  years  before,  to  his  father. 
Certain  members  of  the  national  party  having  been 
insulted  by  the  Orange  mob  at  the  Hague,  and  Wil- 
liam having  connived  at  the  disorder,  the  States  took 
away  from  him  the  command  of  the  Hague  garrison^ 
and  on  his  threatening  never  to  return  to  the  seat  of 
government,  unless  his  rights  were  restored,  adhered 
to  their  resolution.  As  they  had  taken  this  step,  they 
went  further,  and  in  particular  at  Amsterdam,  re- 
sumed those  military  and  naval  functions  which  had 
been  previously  ceded  to  the  Stadtholder. 

The  power  of  the  Stadtholder  was  gradually  being 
curtailed,  and  his  only  chance  of  his  retaining  a 
shadow  of  it  was  in  the  strength  of  the  Orange  party* 
and  in  what  was  virtually  civil  war,  the  forcible  re- 
straint of  malcontents.  The  States  answered  his 
action  by  deposing  him  from  his  office  of  Captain- 
General.  It  is  true  that,  under  the  pretence  of  me- 
diation, the  sovereigns  of  England,  of  Prussia,  and 
even  of  Erance,  counselled  moderation  in  the  crisis, 
and  perhaps  had  the  advice  of  the  Erench  ambas- 


5 

I 


1 


I 


II 


-^70      FROM    1781    TO    CREATION   OF   MONARCHY. 

sador,  Rayneval,  been  accepted,  an  accommodation 
might  have  followed.  But  the  Prussian  wife  of  Wil- 
harn  was  obstinate,  and  demanded  that  the  States 
should  abandon  the  position  which  they  had  taken 
up.  This  was  out  of  the  question,  and  the  breach 
became  wider,  the  Stadtholder  being  held  up  to  the 
public  execration  of  his  fellow  countrymen  as  an  un- 
faithful minister,  "  whose  heart  was  as  corrupt  as  his 
mind  was  narrow."  The  States  made  his  property 
liable  to  land-tax,  examined  his  accounts  and  allow- 
ances, and  substituted  the  arms  of  the  States  for  those 
of  the  house  of  Orange  in  public  documents,  on  the 
regimental  colours,  and  even  on  furniture. 

But   while   it  was   comparatively  easy   to   circum- 
scribe the  powers  of  the   Stadtholder,  and   even    to 
reduce  him  to  the  position  of  first  citizen  in  the  Re- 
public or  less,  it  was  not  easy  to  reconstruct  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Republic.     There  were  leaders  of  the 
popular  party    who  thought  that  enough    had  been 
done  ;  there  were  others  who  u  ished  to  put  the  con- 
stitution on  a  more  popular  basis;   there  were  others 
who   desired    to  proscribe  the  whole   Orange   party, 
to  make  the  use  of  its  party  cries  and  party  emblems 
a  capital  offence,  even  to  prohibit  the  exhibition  of 
orange-coloured  flowers,  and  the  sale  of  carrots,  un- 
less the  roots  were  decently  hidden.     And,  above  all, 
the  smaller  states  became  jealous  of    Holland,  and 
seemed   inclined  to  retrace  their  steps.     The  Stadt- 
holder thought  his  opportunity  was  come,  and  began 
civil  war  in  1787. 

On  the  plea  that  an  insult  had  been  offered  to  his 
sister,  who  had  been  prevented  from  stirring  up  the 


C/y/L    JVA/^, 


371 


Orange  party  at  the  Hague,  the  King  of  Prussia  now 
took  part  in  the  war,  and  invaded  Holland.  Utrecht 
was  abandoned,  and  the  Stadtholder  was  restored  to 
his  full  authority.  Amsterdam  was  besieged  and 
capitulated.  Even  the  English  Whigs  expressed  their 
satisfaction  at  the  result.  The  Patriot  party  seemed 
to  be  extinguished.  The  Dutch  were  under  English 
influence,  and  the  French  Government  was  accused 
of  bad  faith  and  poltroonery.'  The  leaders  of  the 
Patriots  were  declared  incapable  of  serving  their 
country  hereafter,  and  every  one  was  constrained  to 
wear  the  Orange  badire. 

1  have  given  these  wearisome  and  miserable  details 
of  misgovernment  and  abortive  attempts  at  reform, 
because  they  form  a  necessary  prelude  to  the  events 
which  followed  In  1789  the  French  constitution 
was  remodelled,  and,  for  a  time,  good  and  wise  men 
rejoiced  over  the  reform  of  what  had  become  the 
most  detestable  government  in  Europe.  The  Stadt- 
holder's  son  contracted  a  fresh  alliance  with  the  house 
of  Prussia ;  but  Holland  took  no  part  in  the  League 
of  Pilnitz,  a  league  which  was  to  prove  so  disastrous 
to  the  States  which  joined  it,  when  they  forced  revo- 
lutionary France  to  act  on  the  defensive,  and  finally 
justified  its  reprisals.  The  Stadtholder,  of  course, 
as  soon  as  possible  joined  the  alliance  of  the  Euro- 
pean sovereigns.  But  the  Patriots  determined  to  wel- 
come the  French.  The  winter  of  1794-95  gave  them 
the  wished-for  opportunity.  The  Stadtholder  fled  to 
England,  and  the  Dutch  revolution  was  effected. 

It  is  very  possible  that  many  of  those  who  formed 
and   developed  the  French  revolution  were  men  of 


i 


372     FROM    1781    TO   CREATION  OF  MONARCHY. 

high  purposes  and  patriotic  ends.  But  I'rance  was 
bankrupt,  its  finance  aggravated  the  mischief,  and  at 
first,  constrained  to  defend  itself,  and  then  led  to  ag- 
gressive war,  it  naturally  made  war  support  itself.  The 
Dutch  paid  dearly  for  the  revenge  which  they  took 
on  William.  Their  trade  was  ruined,  their  com- 
mercial integrity  violently  destroyed,  their  resources 
squandered  for  objects  which  did  not  concern  them, 
their  colonies  wrested  Yrom  thein.  They  were  erected 
into  a  kingdom,  dependent  on  the  TVench  Empire, 
and  ruled  by  one  of  Napoleon's  brothers.  In  18 13 
came  a  counter  revolution,  when  Ifolland,  despairing 
of  republican  institutions,  resolved  to  accept  a  limited 
monarchy.  It  was  perhaps  impossible,  in  the  existing 
temper  of  luiropean  governments,  to  adoi)t  any  other 
course.  When  luirope  was  remodelled,  at  the  final 
termination  of  the  great  continental  war,  Belgium  was 
added  to  Holland,  and  the  principle  of  the  Ghent 
pacification  was  temporarily  enforced  by  the  authority 
of  Europe.  Holland  recovered  most  of  her  depen- 
dencies. 

These  had  been  temporarily  occupied  by  the  Eng- 
lish during  the  time  that  Holland  had  been  a  depen- 
dency of  France.  It  was  inevitable  that  they  should 
be,  for  they  were  virtually  PVench  possessions  during 
the  French  occupancy.  But  two  of  them,  Ceylon  and 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  were  retained  by  the  English 
after  the  war  was  over,  contrary,  as  I  think,  to  good 
faith  and  justice.  It  is  doubtful  whether  En<dand  has 
gained  anything  by  the  Cape  Settlement.  The 
country  is  essentially  Dutch,  and  the  dissatisfaction^ 
of  the  Dutch  settlers  with   the  English  Government' 


OCCUPATION   BY   FRANCE. 


373 


has  led  to  secession,  revolt,  and  war,  under  circum- 
stances which  has  conferred  no  credit  on  the  intrusive 
government,  and  have  been  no  particular  honour  to 
English  arms.  And  though  in  our  time  Holland 
cannot,  even  if  she  had  her  old  spirit  and  resources, 
vie  with  the  great  military  Powers  of  l^Lurope,  as  she 
once  did,  her  reputation  is  still  high,  and  her  energy 
is  renewed. 


XXXVIII. 

CONCLUSION. 

I  HAVE  .now  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  object 
which  I  liad  before  me,  which  was  to  ^ive  a  brief 
narrative  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Dutch  people 
vindicated  their  nationahty,  and  were  for  a  long 
time  the  very  centre  of  modern  ICuropean  his- 
tory.  In  my  opinion,  the  story  of  this  heroic 
people  is  entirely  worthy  of  study,  and,  as  I  have 
stated,  is  more  romantic  and  more  instructive  than 
that  of  the  famous  stand  which  Greece  made  against 
Persia,  near  twenty-four  centuries  ago.  The  debt 
which  civilization  and  liberty  owe  to  these  people  is 
greater  than  that  which  is  due  to  any  other  race, 
however  little  it  may  be  known  and  acknowledged. 
The  administration  of  the  United  IVovinces,  no  doubt, 
committed  some  grave  errors,  which  were  visited  over 
severely  upon  it.  Hut  there  was  a  time  when  these 
errors  were  deemed  to  be  political  wisdom,  and  the 
English  Government,  which  treated  the  Dutch  more 
ungenerously,  more  unjustly,  and  more  unwisely  than 
any  other  luiropean  Power  did,  clung  to  these  errors 
after  they  had  been  discarded  in  the  Netherlands. 


i  i 


KIT  EN  EN. 


r 


XXXVIII. 

COXCLUSION. 

I    MWF    now   arrived    at    the    end    of  the   object 
which    I    had    before  nic,  which   was  to  <^'ivc  a   brief 
narrative  of  the  maiiner  in   which   the   Dutch  people 
vindic.ited    tiieir  natioiiahty,    and    were    for    a    long 
time    the    very    centre    of    modern     lunopean     his- 
tory.      In     my    opinion,    the    story    of    this    heroic 
peoi)le   is    entirely  worthy  of  stndv,  and,  as  I  have 
stated,  is  moiC  romantic   and  more   instructive   than 
that  of  the  famous  stand  which   Greece  made  against 
IVrsia,   near   twenty-four  centuries    ago.       The    debt 
which  civilization  and   liberty  owe  to  these  {jcoplc  in 
greater  than   that    which    is    ilue  to   any  other  racc\ 
however  little  it  ma\'  be  known  and  acknowledged. 
The  adnn'm'strationof  the  Um'ted  Provinces,  no  d(nibt, 
committed  some  grave  errors,  which  were  visited  over 
severely  upon   it.      Hut  there  was  a  time  when  these 
errors  were  deemed  to  be  political   wisdom,  and  the 
English  Government,  which  treated  the  Dutch  more 
ungenerously,  mnrr  unjustly,  and  more  unwisely  than 
any  otluM-   lunopu.in   Power  did,  clung  to  these  errors 
after  they  had  been  discarded  in  the  Netherlands. 


Kl'ENEN. 


376 


CONCLUSION. 


In  a  brief  sketch  like  this  the  d'fficulty  is,  not  what 
one  should  say,  but  what  one  should  omit,  witiiout 
impairing  the  historical  lesson,  which  the  narrative  of 
Dutch  heroism  and  enterprize  should  and  c^  convey. 
It  is  true  that  towards  the  end  of  the  eiiijAecnth  cen- 
tury,   Holland    was    assailed   by  jealou*^    rivals,    into 
whose  hands  their  own  chief  magistrate  played.     But 
it  is  also  true  that  after  sixty  years  of  humiliation,  the 
Dutch  have  reasserted  themselves,  and  though  a  small 
people,    hemmed  in    by  large   military  governments, 
they  hold  a  considerable  place  among  nations.     Some 
scribbler,  the  other  day,  who  knows  little  of  what  they 
were,  and  nothing  of  what  they  are,  has  called  them 
an  eftcte  nation.    Nothing  can  be  more  untrue.    They 
are  fortunately  disabled  from  wasting  their  substance 
on  militarism,  and  they  are,  and  I  trust  will  be,  pro- 
tected by  the  public  conscience  of  lunope,   as  they 
should  be,  in  so  far  as  political  wisdom  goes  for  any- 
thing, by  the   persistent    goodwill   of  Great    Britain. 
But  I  do  not  find  that  in  any  department  of  enter- 
prize,  of  commercial    integrity,   and   of    intellectual 
vigour,  the  Dutchman  of  to-day  is  behind  any  Euro- 
pean nation  whatever,  or  even  the  race  which  achieved 
so  remarkable  a  position  in  the  seventeenth  and  the 
first  half  of  the  eighteenth    centuries.      I  need  only 
quote  the  name  of  Kucnen. 

I  have  been  constrained  in  the  necessary  task  of 
selecting  the  materials  for  this  sketch,  to  omit  much 
that  might  have  been  said  about  the  place  which  by- 
gone generations  of  Dutchmen  have  done  for  progress 
and  for  letters.  The  language  of  the  people  is  a 
dialect,  spoken  by  the  inhabitants  of  what  is  only  a 


INTERNATIONAL   SERVICES  OF  HOLLAND.      ^yy 


corner  of  Europe.  But  the  Dutch  are  justly  proud  of 
their  native  poets,  of  Vondel  and  of  Katz,  for  in- 
stance, from  the  former  of  whom,  it  is  said,  our  Milton 
did  not  disdain  to  borrow,  i{  we  do  not  accept  the 
alternative,  that  two  persons  of  nearly  the  same  age, 
not  only  thought  alike,  but  expressed  their  thoughts 
in  nearly  the  same  words  ;  in  the  latter  of  whom  the 
Dutch  allege  that  they  have  a  lyrist  whose  poems 
rank  with  the  best. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  Holland,  and 
especially  Amsterdam  and  Rotterdam,  held  the 
printing-presses  of  Europe,  whatever  may  be  said 
of  the  modern  claim  that  this  great  invention  was 
made  at  Haarlem.  The  Elzevirs  were  the  first  pub- 
lishers of  cheap  editions,  and  thereby  aided  in  dis- 
seminating not  the  new  learning  only,  but  all  that 
the  world  knew  at  the  time.  From  Holland  came 
the  first  optical  instruments,  the  best  mathematicians, 
the  most  intelligent  philosophers,  as  well  as  the 
boldest  and  most  original  thinkers.  Holland  is  the 
origin  of  scientific  medicine  and  rational  therapeutics. 
From  Holland  came  the  new  agriculture,  which  has 
done  so  much  for  social  life,  horticulture,  and  flori- 
culture. The  Dutch  taught  modern  Europe  naviga- 
tion. They  were  the  first  to  explore  the  unknown 
seas,  and  many  an  island  and  cape  which  their  cap- 
tains discovered  has  been  renamed  after  some  one 
who  got  all  his  knowledge  by  their  research,  and  ap- 
propriated the  fruit  of  his  predecessor's  labours. 
They  have  been  as  much  plundered  in  the  world  cf 
letters,  as  they  have  been  in  commerce  and  politics. 

Holland  taught  the  Western   nations  finance,  per- 


\ 


JACOB  KATZ. 


ACHIEVEMENTS  IN  ALL  LEARNING.  379 

haps  no  great  boon.  But  they  also  taught  commer- 
cial honour,  the  last  and  the  hardest  lesson  which 
nations  learn.  They  inculcated  free  Jrade,  a  lesson 
which  is  nearly  as  hard  to  learn,  if  not  harder,  since 
the  conspiracy  against  private  right  is  watchful,  in- 
cessant, and,  as  some  would  make  us  believe,  respect- 
able. They  raised  a  constant,  and  for  a  long  time 
ineffectual,  protest  against  the  barbarous  custom  of 
privateering,  and  the  dangerous  doctrine  of  contra- 
band in  war,  a  doctrine  which,  if  carried  out  logically, 
would  allow  belligerents  to  interdict  the  trade  of  the 
world.  The  Dutch  are  the  real  founders  of  what 
people  call  international  law,  or  the  rights  of  nations. 
They  made  mistakes,  but  they  made  fewer  than  their 
neighbours  made.  The  benefits  which  they  conferred 
were  incomparably  greater  than  the  errors  which  they 
committed. 

There  is  nothing  more  striking  in  the  Dutch  cha- 
racter than  the  fact  that,  after  a  brief  and  discreditable 
episode,  the  States  were  an  asylum  for  the  persecuted. 
The  Jews,  who  were  contemned  because  they  were 
thrifty,  plundered  because  they  were  rich,  and  harassed 
because  they  clung  tenaciously  to  their  ancient  faith 
and  customs,  found  an  asylum  in  Holland  ;  and  some 
of  them  perhaps,  after  they  originated  and  adopted, 
with  the  pliability  of  their  race,  a  Teutonic  alias, 
have  not  been  sufficiently  grateful  to  the  country 
which  sheltered  them.  The  Jansenists,  expelled 
from  France,  found  a  refuge  in  Utrecht,  and  more 
than  a  refuge,  a  recognition,  when  recognition  was  a 
dangerous  offence. 

There  is  no  nation  in  Europe  which  owes  more  to 


ACHIEVEMENTS  IN  ALL   LEARNING. 


J 


)79 


JACOB   KAIZ. 


haps  no  ^ncat  boon.  lUit  they  also  taii<;ht  commer- 
cial honour,  the  last  and  the  hardest  lesson  which 
nations  learn.  They  inculcated  free  trade,  a  lesson 
which  is  nearly  as  hard  to  learn,  if  not  harder,  since 
the  conspiracy  ai^^ainst  private  right  is  watchful,  in- 
cessant, and,  as  some  would  make  us  believe,  respect- 
able. They  raised  a  constant,  and  for  a  long  time 
ineffectual,  protest  against  the  barbarous  custom  of 
privateering,  and  the  dangerous  doctrine  of  contra- 
band in  war,  a  doctrine  which,  if  carried  out  logically, 
would  allow  belligerents  to  interdict  the  trade  of  the 
world.  The  Dutch  are  the  real  founders  of  what 
peo|)lc  call  international  law,  or  the  rights  of  nations. 
They  made  mistakes,  but  they  made  fewer  than  their 
neighbours  made.  The  benefits  which  they  conferred 
were  incomparabl}'  greater  than  the  errors  which  they 
committed. 

There  is  nothing  more  striking  in  the  Dutch  cha- 
racter than  the  fact  that,  after  a  brief  and  discreditable 
episode,  the  States  were  an  asylum  for  the  persecuted. 
The  Jews,  who  were  contemned  because  they  were 
thrifty,  plundered  because  they  were  rich,  and  harassed 
because  they  clung  tenaciously  to  their  ancient  faith 
and  customs,  found  an  asylum  in  Holland  ;  and  some 
of  them  perhaps,  after  they  originated  and  adopted, 
with  the  pliability  of  their  race,  a  Teutonic  alias, 
have  not  been  sufficiently  grateful  to  the  country 
which  sheltered  them.  The  Jansenists,  expelled 
from  iM-ance,  found  a  refuge  in  Utrecht,  and  more 
than  a  refuge,  a  recognition,  when  recognition  was  a 
dangerous  offence. 

There  is  no  nation  in   luiropc  which  owes  more  to 


,^sfe».  ^ 


3^0 


CONCLUSION, 


Holland  than  Great  Britain  does.  The  luKTJish  I 
regret  to  say,  were  for  a  long  time,  in  the  industrial 
history  of  modern  civilization,  the  stupidest  and 
most  backward  nation  in  Europe.  There  was,  to 
be  sure,  a  great  age  in  England  during  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  and  that  of  the  first  Stewart  king.  lUit  it 
was  brief  indeed.  In  every  other  department,  of  art, 
of  agriculture,  of  trade,  we  learnt  our  lesson  from  the 
Hollanders.  How  we  repaid  them  I  have  striven  to 
show,  I  hope  in  no  unpatriotic  strain.  Our  own 
Selden,  who  learnt  all  his  learning  from  Dutch 
sources,  never  lets  an  opportunity  slip  of  gibing  at 
his  literary  benefactors  and  teachers. 

I  must  not  permit  myself  to  linger  on  the  modern 
merits  of  restored  and  revived  Holland.  I  doubt 
whether  any  other  small  lun'opean  race,  after  passing 
through  the  trials  which  it  endured  from  the  Peace  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  to  the  conclusion  of  the  continental 
war,  ever  had  so  entire  a  recovery.  The  chain  of  its 
history,  to  be  sure,  was  broken,  and  cannot,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  be  welded  together.  Hut  there  is 
still  left  to  Holland  the  boast  and  the  reality  of  her 
motto,  "  Luctor  et  emergo." 


INDEX. 


Abjuration,  Act  t)f,  io6 
Accord,  the  concession  of,  71 
Agriculture,     prosecution    of,    in 

Holland,  217 
Aix-la-ChapcUe,  peace  of,  357 
All)ert,    Archduke,    his    history, 

185 
Alexander   VI.,    Pope    (Borgia), 

Bull  of,  45 
Alliance,  the  grand,  formation  of, 

by  William,  290 
Almau/a,  1  Kittle  of,  329 
Alva,  Duke  of,  his  history  before 

he  came  to  Manders,  73;  policy 

And>assadors,  privdeges  of,  abuse 
of,  290 

Amboyna,  capture  of,  179;  mas- 
sacre of,  249 

American   independence,  war  of, 

Amsterdam,  Bank  of.  foundation 
of,  221  ;  government  of,  and 
reputation  of,  223 

Amsterdam,  rise  of,  on  the  fall  of 
Antwerp,  144;  trade  of,  168; 
riches  of,  215;  less  hearty  to- 
wards William  III.  than  the 
rest  of  Holland,  303;  com- 
mercial jjrosperity  of,  346;  siege 
of,  in  1787,  371 


Anjou,    Duke   of,    his    character, 

loi  ;  his  bad  conduct,  ill  ;  his 

<leparture,  116 
Antwerp,  attempted  seizure  of,  by 

Anjou,    115;  importance  of,  as 

a   base  against   England,   139  ; 

siege  of,    140 
Arclulukes,  the,  their  stipulation* 

as  to  peace,  183 
Aristocracy,  the,  in  Holland,  and 

elsewhere,  an  unmixed   evil,  10 
Armada,    the,    and    the    Knglish 

fleet,   147  ;  defeat  of,  1 48  ;  the 

second,  its  fate,  164 
Armed    neutrality,    the,    in    1 780, 

366 
Arminius,  Jacob,  at  Leyden,  230 
Artificial    grasses,  cultivation   of, 

in  Holland,  218 
Augsburg,  League  of,  291 
Austrian   succession,   war  of  the, 

Avignon,  annexation  of,  289 

B 

liank  of  England,  foundation  of, 

Barneveldt,  Olden,  his  policy,  230; 
his  recovery  of  the  cauticjnary 
towns,  233  ;  imprisonment,  trial, 
and  execution  of,  234  5 

Barcndz,  voyages  of,  172-6 


38: 


INDEX. 


Bartholomew,  massacre  of,  effects 

of,  82 
Batavia,  foundation  of,  iSo 
Batavians,  the  allies  of  Ctesar  and 

Rome,  2  ;  disappear,  4 
Bubbles,  the  time  of  the,  345 
Bavaria,  Elector  of,  res;ent  of  the 

Netherlands,  311 ;  his  refusal  to 

accept  the  Pragmatic  Sanction, 

355 
Beachy  Head,  battle  of,  306 
Beggars  of  the  Sea,  their  capture 

of  Brill,  78 

Beggars,    the  name  of    adopted, 
70 

Belgium,  an  European  battlefield, 

190 
Bentinck,  elevation  of,  an  offence 

in  Holland  and  England,  303 
Binnenhof,  the,  359 
Bishops,  the,  increase  of,  in  the 

Netherlands,  68 
Blenheim,  battle  of,  329 
lilood  Council,  the,  75 
Bohemia,    election    of,  king    of, 

239 
Bondace,  Bishop  of  Mainz  and  of 

Utrecht,  8 
Brazil.  relin(]uishment  of,  by  the 

Dutch,  258 
Bribes,  expenditure  of  riiiiii)  ""» 

127 
Bridge,    the,    over    the    Scheldt, 

140 
Brill,  capture  of,  by  the  Beggars 

of  the  Sea,  78 
Burgundy,    Dukes   of,    origin    of, 

23 
Burnet,  his  counsels  to  William, 
291 


Cadiz,  second  destruction  of  the 

fleet  at,  162 
Calfskin,  the,  a  charter,  55 
Calvin,  policy  of,  52 
Cape    Passage,   the   Dutch   make 

the,  in  1595,  176 
Catherine  H.  (Russia),  her  policy 

in  1780,  365 


Charles  H.  of  England,  character 
of,  255 ;  his  perfidy  in  1672, 
267  ;  forced  to  forego  his  bar- 
gain with  Erance,  276 

Charles,  the  Great,  principles  of 
government  by,  6 

Charles  the  Headstrong,  succes- 
sion of,  }2;  his  objects,  3?;  his 
quarrel  with  the  Swiss,  38 

Charles  (V. ),  his  birth  in  1 500,  44 ; 
accession  of,  his  empire,  47  ; 
resignation  of,  56;  his  career, 
58  ;  oration  t)f,  and  conduct  of, 
61 

Charles  VI.  (Germany),  policy  of, 
,  ^54 
(  barters  to  towns,  forms  of  early, 

Civilis  Claudius,  revolt  of,  3 
Civil  War,  the,  in  Erance,    131  ; 

of  1787.  370 
Clergy,  use  of  the,  as  instruments 

of  government,  8  ;  never  one  of 

the  estates  in  the  Netherlands, 

20 

Cleres  and  Julieis,  the  mad  Duke 
of,  239 

Commerce,  necessity  of,  to  Hol- 
land, 170;  the  destruction  of, 
362 

Cromwell,  hostility  of  Dutch  to- 
wards, 250 

Crusades,  effects  of  the,  on  trade, 
13 

D 

Debt,  the,  of  Holland  in  17 14,  3:^7 
De  Witt  and  the  events  of  1672, 
224 

De  Witt,  John,  his  administration, 

260 
De  Witts,  murder  of  the,  270 
Dirk,   Count  of   Holland    in    the 

tenth  century,  7 
Dorislaus,  Isaac,  murder  of,  251 
Dort,  Synotl  of,  234 
Drake,  his  expeditions,   145;  his 

exj)loits  at  Cadiz,  146 
Dunkirk,  piraf^s  of,  143  ;  sale  of, 

258 


INDEX, 


383 


Dutch  independence,  declaration 

of,   104 
Dutch,    political    views     of,    in, 

1609,  212;  adopted  Calvinism, 

230;  tried  to  conciliate  Charles 

II.,  258 
Dutch  i)orts,  their  reputation,  377 
Dutch    Republic,  constitution   of 

the,  339 
Dutch    scholars,   their    eminence. 

Dyke,  the,  at  Antwerp,  attempts 

to  break  through,  142 
Dykes,  opening  of  the,    in   1672, 

274 ;   danger  to  the,  from    the 

Pholns,  348 
Dykvell,    the    Dutch    envoy    in 

England,  291 


East  India  Company,  foundation 
of  the  English,  177  ;  Dutch  and 
English  rivalry  of,  249 ;  its  rapid 
progress,  280 

East  India  Company,  foundation 
of  the  Dutch,  178;  its  capital, 
200  ;  its  policy,  202 ;  its  rapid 
growth,  243 

East  India  Companies,  fortunes  of 
the  English  and  Dutch,  344 

Egniont,  arrest  and  execution  of, 

75  76 

Egypt,  conquest  of,  its  effects,  48 

Elizabeth  impounds  Alva's  trea- 
sure ships,  77;  her  position, 
89  ;  her  knt)wledge  of  I'hilip's 
designs,  129 

England,  friendship  of  Nether- 
lands with,  its  motive,  19; 
throne  of,  Philij)'s  claim  to,  122; 
condition  of,  in  Elizabeth's 
reign,  189  ;  war  of,  on  Holland 
in  1653,  255  ;  receives  many  of 
the  Huguenots,  287;  jealous  of 
the  Dutch  after  168S,  300; 
policy  of,  towards  Holland, 
during  the  war  of  American  in- 
dependence, 365 

English  Government,  the,  its 
usage  of  Holland,  337 


English   traitors,  some,  as  Yorke 

and  Stanley,  in  Holland,  135 
Erasmus,  his  timidity,  53 
Ernest,  Archduke,  his  brief  rule, 

161 
Essex,  his  capture  of  Cadiz,  162 
Europe,    hostility    of,    to    Louis 

XIV.,  304  ;  feeling  of,  towards 

England,  365 
European  Powers,  j^rincipal  in  the 

war  of  the  English  succession, 

305;  quarrels  of  the,  352 
Euroj)ean  system, the  Dutch  drawn 

into,  in  1702,  324 


Eemales,  descent    through,   com- 

m«m  in  Eurojje,  23 
Eisheries,    the  importance  of,   to 

Holland,  27 
Flanders,  temporary  freedom  of, 

I        95 
Flemish  towns,  the,  small  repub- 
lics, 35 
Flushing,  capture  of,  80 
Fontenoy,  battle  of,  356 
F>ance,   wars  of,  with   England, 
I        33  ;    policy   of,    in    relation   to 
the  Low  Countries,  206  ;  alli- 
ance of  Holland  with,  244 
Frederic  Henry,  birth  of,  118;  ac- 
\        cession  of,  240 
,    Frederic  the  Great,  his  behaviour, 

355 
I    French    prey,    the,   at    Antwerp, 

I    Frisians,   the,   probably  absorbed 
the  Batavians,  their  love  of  free- 
dom, 4 
F'rontier  towns,  the,  guaranteed, 

334 
Fury,  the  Spanish,  in  Antwerp,  92 

G 

Genoa,  bankrupi^:' js  in,  208  ;  bank 
of,  222;  Louis  XIV.  bombards, 
2S5 

George  II.  (England),  his  German 
policy,  349 


3^4 


I\DEX. 


INDEX. 


3^5 


George  of  Denmark,  his  want  of 

capacity,  324 
Gerard,  Balthazar,   the  murderer 

of  Orange,  i  iS 
Germany,  I'hilip  claims  the  emjiire 

of,  123 
Ghent,  town   of,  and  its  hell,  21; 

insurrection    of,    in    144S,  31  ; 

another     insurrection    at,    55  ; 

pacification  of,  92 
GianibelH,  his  devices,  141 
Gibraltar,  battle  of,  in  1607,  203  ; 

capture  of,  329 
Golden     Fleece,  Order   of,  insti- 
tuted, 31 

Gomarus.iiuarrelo^with  Arminius, 
230 

Governess,  the,  Anne,  her  per- 
nicious counsels,  361 

Grand  Alliance,  danger  to,  310 

Great  Intercourse,  the,  its  imjxjrt- 
ance,  50 

Great  Privilege,  the  provisions  of, 

41, 
Grotius,  his  attempts  to  reconcile 
differences,  233;  his  imprison- 
ment, escape,  and  banishment, 

235  7 
Guilds,  institution  of,  its  origin,  15 
Guises,  murder  of  the,  152 

II 

Hanover,  house  of,  its  succession 

welcomed  by  the  Dutch,  338 
Hanscatic   League,    the    excellent 

work  of,  17 
Harvests,  seven  years  bad,  311 
Heemskerk,  his  exploits,  203 
Heinsius,  death  of,  341 
Henrietta,  wife  of  Charles  I.,  her 

intrigues  in  Holland,  251 
Henry  I\'.,  of  France,   policy  of, 

1 89 
Henry  II.,  of  France,  comnuini- 

cates  his  purposes  to  Wdliam, 

67 
Henry  HI.,  of  France,  his  views, 

130 
Herrings,  curing  of,  improved  by 

the  Flemings,  27 


High      Mightinesses,      title      of, 
assumed  and  why,   245 

Hooks     and      Kabeljauws,     the, 
factions  of,    1 1 

Holland  and  /eland,  simultaneous 
insurrection  of.  So 

Holland,  ancient,  character  of,  3  ; 
two  principal  jHUentates  in,  the 
Count      and     the      llishop     of 
Utrecht,  9  ;  constitution  o*,  87  ; 
negotiations  of,  with  Kli/abeth, 
134;    really   gained    her    own 
indepen<lence,  137  ;  traile  of,  in 
the   East    and    West,    183  ;   its 
numerous   sea    captains,    204  ; 
independence  of,  not  recognized 
by  James  and   Henry,  213;   its 
success  in  the  arts,  220;  enemies 
of,  their  anticijiations.  227  ;  c(m- 
stitution  of,  unsatisfactory,  228  ; 
position  of,  at  the  beginning  of 
the   Thirty   Years'  War,    240; 
independence  of,  acknowledged, 
24S;  commercial  theory  of,  250  ; 
war  of,  with  the  Knglish  Parlia- 
ment, 253  ;  first  war  of  Charles 
II.    with,    264;    Louis     XIW 
makes,  thortnighly  distrust  him, 
287  ;     receives      many    of    the 
Huguenots,289;  always  attached 
to  William  HI.,  301  ;  its  fear 
of  Louis  XIV.,  316;  resolution 
taken    by,    in    the    war    of  the 
Sj)anish    succession,    323  ;     its 
trust  in  MarllM)rougli,    and  his 
deference     to    il,     326   ;    debts 
of,  after  17 13,  335  ;  decline  of, 
after   17 16,    339;  condition    of, 
'"  »735.  353  ;  <liiring  the  Con- 
tinental war,  372  ;  its  past  and 
present  condition,  380 
Horticulture,  practice  of,  in  Hol- 
land, 217 
Huguenots,  the,   in  France,  285, 
286;  emigration  of,  287 


I 

Image     bnaking,      the,     in     the 
Melherlanda,  71 


Iiuiuisiiion,      the,      establishment 

of,  64 
Intolerance  common  amor.g  those 

who  have  been  persecuteil   225; 

decline    of,    in    Holland,    241  ; 

motives  of  Louis  XIV.  in,  317 
Irelanil,  var  in,  16S0,  306 
Irish  troops  brought  to  England, 

294 

T 

Jacqueline  of  Hollan.l  dej^osed 
by  Philip.  28 

James  I.  of  Fn;.  land,  his  character, 
206;  his  religi«»us  .sympathies, 
214;  his  opinion  ol  his  own 
theological  learning,  227 

James  IL  of  I'^ngland  offends 
Louis  at  a  crisis,  292  ;  his  jxilicy, 
293;  deserted  by  everybody, 
298;  his  foolish  manifesto  in 
1692,  308 

Jansenists,  rpiarrel  with  the,  by 
Louis  XI\.,  28:;;  and   Jesuits, 

347 

Jesuits,  dislike  of  the,  213 

Joanna,    wife  of    Pliilij),   madness 

John  of  Austria,  Don,  his  history, 

92 ;    his    purposes,    93-5  ;     his 

death,  99 
John      William      Friso,      heir     of 

William  HI.,  his  death,  341 
Jose])h  IL,  Emperor,  attack  of  on 

Holland,  368 
Juareguy,     Juan,     attempts     the 

assassination  of   William,  story 

of,    113 

K 

Kabeljauws  and  Hot)ks,  the  prac- 
tices of,  1 1 

L 

I^a  IL^gue,  battle  of,  307 
League,    The     Most      Holy,     its 

designs,  130 
Leicester,  Earl  of,  his  history,  135 
Leopold   of    Gernuany,    his    cha- 

fiicter,  305 


Lepanto,  battle  of,  93 

Leyden,  siege  of.  34:  Uni\er.sity 
of,  86;  Universii)  of,  its  reputa- 
tion, 220 

Liege,  revolt  of,  ^y 

Linen,  manufacture  of,  in  the 
Netherlands,  19 

Linschotcn,  his  map  of  the  East, 

171 

Louis  XL,  the  crafty,  Ms  policy, 
2^  ;  his  character,  34 ;  disap- 
])ointed  by  the  distrust  of  the 
Flemings,  39;  intrigues  of,  With 
Mary's  counsellors,  42 

Louis  XIV.,  activity  of,  in  1672, 
26S  :  ambition  of,  an  assistance 
to  Holland,  275;  (kdarts  war 
again.st  Holland,  302;  fear  en- 
tertained about  him,  315 

Luther,  ])olicy  of,  52 

Lutheranism,  ]>olilicaI  tentlencies 
of,  232 

M 

Madrid,  treaty  of,  in  1729,  343 
Malacca,  attack  on,  in  i()o6,  181 
Margaret  of  Parma  made  Regent, 

64.  66 
Maria  Theresa,  her  position,  355 
^Larll)orough,  origin  and  charat  ter 

of,  325 

Mary  of  liurgundy,  her  attitude  lo 
the  Low  Countries,  40;  her 
death,  42 

Mary  of  England,  wife  of  Williani 
II. ,  death  of,  257  ;  marriage 
of  William  III.  with.  281 

Mataliefif,  Dutch  admiral,  victory 
of,  182 

Mr.urice,  gradual  development  of 
the  military  skill  of,  153;  his 
successes,  154;  his  conduct  at 
the  battle  of  Xieuwpoit,  193: 
character  of,  228;  death  of,  ni 
1625,  240 

Maximilian,  marriage  of,  wi.h 
Mary,  42 

Mayenne,   Duke  of,  his  intrigues, 

Med  way.  Engli.sh  fleet  burnt  in 
the,  266 


386 


INDEX. 


Monarchy,  hereditary,  a  coming 
(lan«,^er  to  Holland.  348 

Money,  sources  of  Philip's,  126 

Monopoly  of  trade,  early,  defence 
of,  178 

Monopoly,  the  object  of  the  Dutch 
and  English  traders,  205 

Mutinies  of  Spanish  troops,  fre- 
quent, 91 

N 

Namur,  recapture  of,  in  1695,  312 

Nantes,  Edict  of,  286;  repealed, 
287 

Napoleon  I.,  the  hasis  of  his  claim 
to  the  Duleh  states,  2 

Nassau,  housr  of,  its  services,  67 

Navigation  Act,  its  effects  on 
Dutch  trade,  253 

N-  theiiands,  the,  two  races  in,  2  ; 
trade  of,  origin  of,  15;  pros- 
perity of,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, 25;  persecutions  in,  53; 
im{)ortance  of,  to  France,  131, 
133  ;  IMiilip  determines  to  sur- 
render, 161  ;  the  dower  of, 
tlangled  before  France  and  Eng- 
land, 213;  designs  of  Louis 
XIV.  on,  263 

Neutrality,  Dutch,  greatly  desired 
by  Louis,  323 

New  Amsterdam,  capture  of,  265 

Nieuwport,  battle  of,  192 

Nimeguen,  effects  of  the  treaty 
of,  282 

North-east  Passage,  attempts  to 
discover,  172  S(/</. 

Nova  Zembia,  isle  of,  wintering  of 
tlic  Dutch  on,  175 

O 

Opinion,  public,  about  Louis  in 
England  and  Holland,  318-323 

Orange,  Prince  of,  first  appear- 
ance of,  59 

Orange,  Prince  of,  William  IV., 
his  marriage,  349 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  his  policy  after 

Ostend,  siege  of,  194  s</</. 


Ostend    Company,    foundation  of 
the,  342 

P 

Papacy,  revolt  against,  districts  in 

which     it     occurred,     50,     51  ; 

Philip  obliged   to  manage  the, 

123 

Parliament,    English,   its   distrust 

«>r  William  III.,  299 
Parma,    Prince   of,    character   of, 
100;  distrusted  by  Philip,  158; 
his  death,  159 
Pensionary  De  Witt,  prime  mini- 
ster, 262 
Patriots,   party  of  the,  367  ;  wel- 
comed  the    French   in    1794-5, 
371 
Peace,  negotiations  for,in  1607,209 
Peace,  <lesire  for,  in  1572,  83 
Peace  of  1763,  ctfects  of,  363 
Peasants'  war,  the,  caiises  of,  49 
Pepi)er,  great  demand  f.)r,  177 
IVterborough,     campaign    of,     in 

Spain,  330 
Philip,  son  of  Mary,  his  acession, 

43  ;  his  marriage,  44 
Philip,  reign  of  and  tlealh  of,  165 
Philip    II.,    description    of,    59; 
formally  deposed  in    1575,   87; 
becomes  king  of   Portugal,  his 
ban    published,    103 ;    his   pro- 
jects,   120-8  ;    his    distrust    of 
Parma,  157 
Philip  III.,  character  of,  188 
I'hiiip  "the  (mkxI,"  of  Burgundy, 
24  ;  (juarrelof,  with  the  English, 
and  siege  of  Calais  by,  29 
Pholas,  ravages  of  the,  348 
Political    liberty,   the  true   objecv 

of  Charles  V.'s  animosity,  62 
Pope,  effects  from  the  lessening  of 
his  authority,   25  ;    Louis  XIL 
insults  the,  285 
Portugal,  revolt  of,   in  1641,  247  ; 
claims  of  Charles  II.  on  behalf 
of,  258 
Portuguese,  original  possessors  of 

the  spice  trade.  202 
Powers,  Euroi)ean,at  the  declara- 
ium  of  Dutch  independence,  88 


INDEX. 


3^7 


Pragmatic  Sanction,  the,  its   ob- 

j^-*t,  344 
Printing  in  Holland,  377 
Printing   presses,    activity   of,    in 

Holland,  220 
Privateers  really  pirates,  362 
Prussia,  claims  of,  in  llt)lland,  341 
Prussia,   king  of,   his  invasion  of 

Holland,  371 
Pyrenees,  treaty  of,  terms  of,  263 


Kamillies,  battle  of,  330 

keformatitm,  two  divisions  of,  51 

Religions,  some,  have  been  ex- 
tirpated, 352 

Remonstrants,  the,  and  their 
opponents,  231 

Republic,  Dutch,  the,  inip<^rtance 
of  the  foundation  of,  in  history, 
107 

Re|>udiation  of  debts  by  Philip  in 
1596,  187 

Re<|uesens,  <leath  of,  90 

Resentment  of  Europe,  iiitcrprela- 
ti'n  of,  by  Cromwell,  151 

Rhine,  the  delta  of  thi ,  is  Hol- 
land, I 

Rolaml,  the  town  l)ell  of  Ghent,  21  ; 
the  Ix-'ll tried  and  condemned,  55 

Ryswick,  peace  ol,  312 

S 
.Salic  law,  the,  in  France,  22 
Salte<l      provis  Ons,      importance 

of,  2S 
Salzburg,      Archbshop      of,      his 

persecutions,  346 
.^-'cheldt,  the,  closed  by  the  Dutch, 

.144 
Science  and  art,  their  progress  in 

Holland,  377 
Seneff,  battle  of,  27S 
Seven  Years'  War,  the,  its  object, 

361 
Sliipjnng,   Dutch,    injuries    to,    in 

the  .Seven  \'ears'  War,  362 
.Sluys,  rapture  of,  195 
Smallpox,  severe  visitation  of,  332 
Southwold  Bay,  battle  of,  265 


Spain,  downfall  of,  as  a  European 
Power,  150;  loolish  liking  of 
James  I.  to,  207  ;  claims  ol,  in 
1607,209;  attem})t  on,  by  Louis 
XIV.,  277;  reverses  in,  332 

S^)anish  tro)ps, excellence  of  the, 73 

Spice  islands,  acfjuisition  ol,  200 

Spices,  liking  for,  201 

Spinola,  Marquis  of,  192  ;  family 
of,  196 

Stadtholder,  office  of  the,  26  ;  son 
of,  married  to  daughter  of 
Charles  I.,  247;  the  general 
l)rogress  of  his  |x>wer,  j;40 

Stadtholderate    maile    hereditary, 

243  . 
State  rights  in  Holland,  228 

States  (ieneral,  their  reluctance  to 

the  marriage  of  William  IV.,  349 

Steenwyk,  siege  of,  and   incident 

at,  104 
.Strasburg,  retention  0^313 
Subjects  and  kings,  rights  of,  24 
Swiss,  the,  (juarrel   with   Charles 
of  burgundy,  anil  defeat  him,  38 


Temj)le,     Sir    W.,    sent    to    the 

I  lague,  266 
Theological  questiims  of  universal 

interest  at  one  time,  231 
Thirty  Years'  War,  importance  of, 

Titelmann,  the  chief  Inquisitor,  69 
Toleration    first    practised  by  the 
Dutch,    166;    reasons  why   the 
Dutch   would    not   grant  it,  as 
a    concession    to    Spain,    211; 
instances  of,  in  Holland,  379 
Torbay,  William  lands  at,  297 
lories,     the,     supplanted     Marl- 
borough, S33 
Tourville,  entire  defeat  of,  at  La 

Hogue,  309 
Towns,  survival  of,  after  the  down- 
fall of  Rome,  12 
Triple   Alliance,  the,    negotiated, 

266 
Tnce,  the,  of  1609.  210 
I'ulip  mania,  the,  of  1637,  245 


388 


INDEX. 


U 


Union  of  lirussels,  the,  99 
Union  of  Utrecht,  the,  102 
United  Provinces  induced  to  take 

part  in  the  expedition  of  168S, 

295 
Utrecht,  church  of,  foundation  of, 

4  ;    treaty   of,    334 ;    Jansenist 

archbishop  at,  347 


Venice,  hank  of.  222 

Vere,    Sir    Francis,    governor    of 

Ostend,  196 
Vervins,  ()cace  of,  164 
Vigo  hay,  l)attle  of,  329 
Vondel,  supposed  indehte<hu"-.s  of 

Milton  to,  221 

W 

Wales,    Prince   of  (the  Old   Pre- 
tender), title  of,  its  efTecfs,  291 

West  India  C'onipanv,  foundation 
of  the  Dutch,  180' 

White  Mountain,  battle  of  the,  239 

William  II.,  Stadtholder.  deter- 
mines on  making  himself  abso- 

•     lute  ;  dies,  252 

William  III.,  a  posthumous  child, 
252  ;  education,  undertaken  by 
Holland,  256;  made  Captain- 
General,  269  ;  character  of,  271 ; 


anxious  to  jirolong  war,  and 
why,  279  ;  his  cjuarrels  with  the 
English  Parliament,  299  ;  pecu- 
liar military  abilities  of,  307 

William  IV.,  his  accession,  357; 
his  memory  respected,  360";  his 
death,  361 

William  V.,  his  accession  an<l 
his  character,  364;  curtailment 
f>f  his  jiowers,  369 

William  of  Orange,  insults  of 
Philip  to,  65  ;  the  .Silent,  wliv 
thus  called,  68  ;  learns  all 
Philip's  Mcrets,  70;  his  diftirul 
tics.  96;  put  under  the  ban  of 
Philip,  103  ;  his  belief  in  the 
necessity  of  foreign  help,  109  ; 
attempted  assassination  of,  112; 
his  fourth  marriage,  116;  his 
murder,  1 18 

Winter    roots,    cuUivMiion    of,    jn 
Holland,  217 

"Wisdom    of    Holland,"   a    title 
given  to  l)e  Witt,  262 

Wool,  Knglish.  importance  of,  to 
the  Xetherlan<ls.  18 

Z 

Zulestein,  special  envoy  to  Eng- 
land, 292 

Zuyder  Dee,  irruption  of,  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  4 


The  Story  of  the  Nations. 


Messrs.  G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS  take  pleasure  in 
announcinij  that  they  have  in  course  of  publication,  in 
co-operation  with  Mr.  T.  Fisher  Unwin,  of  London,  a 
scries  of  historical  studies,  intended  to  present  in  a  graphic 
manner  the  stories  of  the  different  nations  that  have 
attained  prominence  in  liistory. 

In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  national  Hfe  is 
distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  noteworthy 
periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the  reader  in  their 
philosophical  relation  to  each  other  as  well  as  to  universal 
history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes  to 
enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring  them 
before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored,  and 
struggled— as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as  they  amused 
themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan,  the  myths,  with 
which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins,  will  not  be  over- 
looked, though  these  will  be  carefully  distinguished  from 
the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the  labors  of  the  accepted 
historical  authorities  have  resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been  planned 
to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible,  consecutive 
epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when  completed  will 
present  in  a  comprehensive  narrative  the  chief  events  in 
the  great  Storv  of  the  Nations;  but  it  is,  of  course, 
not  always  practicable  to  issue  the  several  volumes  in 
their  chronological  order 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS. 

The  "Stories"  are  printed  in  good  readable  type,  and  in 
handsome  i2mo  form.  They  are  adequately  illustrated  and 
furnished  with  maps  and  indexes.  Price  per  vol.,  cloth,  $1.50  ; 
half  morocco,  gilt  top,  $1.75. 

The  following  are  now  ready  : 


GREECE.    Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 
ROME.    Arthur  Oilman. 
THE  JEWS.  Prof.  James  K.Hosmer. 
CHALDEA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.    S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.     Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.     Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan  Hale. 
HUNGARY.     Prof.  A.  Vdmb6ry. 
CARTHAGE.    Prof.  Alfred  J.  Church. 
THE  SARACENS.    Arthur  Oilman. 
THE   MOORS   IN   SPAIN.      Stanley 

Lane-Poole. 
THE  NORMANS.  Sarah  Orne  Jewett. 
PERSIA.     S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 
ANCIENT  EGYPT.    Prof.  Geo.  Raw- 

linson. 
ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.     Prof.  J. 

P.  Mahaffy. 
ASSYRIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
THE  GOTHS.     Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.     Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.     Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PERSIA. 

Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
MEDIiEVAL  FRANCE.     Prof.  Gus- 

tave  Masson. 
HOLLAND.  Prof.  J.  Thorold  Rogers. 
MEXICO.     Susan  Hale. 
PHOENICIA.     Geo.  Rawlinson. 
THE  HANSA  TOWNS.     Helen  Zim- 

mem. 
EARLY  BRITAIN.      Prof.  Alfred  J. 

Church. 
THE  BARBARY  CORSAIRS.     Stan- 
ley Lane-Pool. 
RUSSIA.    W.  R.  Morfill. 
THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.   W.  D. 

Morrison. 
SCOTLAND.    John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.  R.  Stead  and  Mrs. 

A.  Hug. 
PORTUGAL.     H.  Morse-Stephens. 
THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.  C.  W. 
C.  Oman. 

SICILY.     E.  A.  Freeman. 

THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS.     Bella 

Duffy. 
POLAND.     W.  R.  Morfill. 
PARTHIA.     Geo.  Rawlinson. 


JAPAN.    David  Murray. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  RECOVERY  OF 

SPAIN.     H.  E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA.       GreviUe  Tregar 

then. 

SOUTHERN    AFRICA.        Geo.    M, 

Theal. 
VENICE.    AletheaWiel. 
THE  CRUSADES     T.  S.  Archer  ind 

C.  L.  Kingsford. 
VEDIC  INDIA.     Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
BOHEMIA.    C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.     J.  G.  Bourinot. 
THE   BALKAN  STATES.     William 

Miller. 

BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA.     R.  W. 
Frazer. 

MODERN  FRANCE.    Andrd  Le Bon. 
THE  BUILDINGOFTHE  BRITISH 

EMPIRE.    Alfred  T.  Story.    Two 

vols. 

THE  FRANKS.     Lewis  Sergeant. 
THE    WEST     INDIES.      Amos    K. 

Fiske. 
THE    PEOPLE    OF   ENGLAND    IN 

THE   19TH    CENTURY.      Justin 

McCarthy,  M.P.     Two  vols. 
AUSTRIA,    THE    HOME   OF    THE 

HAPSBURG   DYNASTY,   FROM 

128a  TO   THE    PRESENT    DAY 

Sidney  Whitman. 
CHINA.     Robt.  K.  Douglass. 
MODERN  SPAIN.     Major  Martin  A 

S.  Hume. 
MODERN  ITALY.     Pietro  Orsl. 
THE   THIRTEEN   COLONIES. 

Helen  A.  Smith.     Two  vols. 

Other  volumes  in  preparation  are  : 

THE     UNITED     STATES,    1775  1897. 

Prof.    A.    C.    McLaughlin.       Two 

vols. 
BUDDHIST    INDIA.      Prof.    T.    W. 

Rhys-Davids. 
MOHAMMEDAN    INDIA.       Stanley 

Lane-Poole. 
WALES  AND  CORNWALL.     Owes 

M.  Edwards 


Heroes  of  the  Nations. 


EDITED  BY 


EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  IUlliol  College,  Oxford. 


A  Series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and  work 
of  a  number  of  representative  historical  characters  about 
whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions  of  the  Nations 
to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in 
many  instances,  as  types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 
With  the  life  of  each  typical  character  will  be  presented 
a  picture  of  the  National  conditions  surrounding  him 
during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are  recog- 
nized authorities  on  their  several  subjects,  and,  while 
thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present  picturesque 
and  dramatic  '*  stories  "  of  the  Men  and  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "  Hero  "  will  be  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type,  pro- 
vided with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  according  to 
the  special  requirements  of  the  several  subjects.  The 
volumes  will  be  sold  separately  as  follows : 


Large  I2^  cloth  extra  . 

Half  morocco,  uncut  edges,  gilt  top 


$1   50 
I  7S 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS. 


A  series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and  work  of 
certain  representative  historical  characters,  about  whom  have 
gathered  tlie  great  traditions  of  tlie  Nations  to  which  they 
belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in  many  instances,  as 
types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 

Tiie  volumes  will  be  sold  separately  as  follows :  cloth  extra. 
$1.50  ;  half  leather,  uncut  edges,  gilt  top,  $1.75. 

I'he  following  are  now  ready  : 


NELSON.     By  W.  Clark  Russell. 

GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.  By  C. 
R.  L.  Fletcher. 

PERICLES.     By  Evelyn  Abbott. 

THEODORIC  THE  GOTH.  By 
Thomas  Hodgkin. 

SIR  PHILIP  SIDNEY.  By.  H.  R. 
Fox-Bourne. 

JULIUS  C/ESAR.  By  W.  Ward* 
Fowler. 

WYCLIF.     By  Lewis  Sergeant. 

NAPOLEON.  By  W.  O'Connor  Mor- 
ris. 

HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.  By  P.  F. 
Willert. 

CICERO.  By  J.  L.  Strachan-David- 
son. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  By  Noah 
Brooks. 

PRINCE  HENRY  (OF  PORTUGAL) 
THE  NAVIGATOR.  By  C.  R. 
Beazley. 

JULIAN  THE  PHILOSOPHER. 
By  Alice  Gardner. 

LOUIS  XIV.     By  Arthur  Hassall. 

CHARLES  XII.     By  R.  Nisbet  Bain. 

LORENZO  DE*  MEDICI.  By  Ed- 
ward Armstrong. 


JEANNE  D'ARC.    By  Mrs.  Oliphant. 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.      By 

Washington  Irving. 
ROBERT     THE     BRUCE.       By    Sir 

Herbert  Maxwell. 
HANNIBAL.    By  W.  O'Connor  Mar- 

ris. 

ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.      By  William 

Conant  Church. 
ROBERT  E.  LEE.     By  Henry  Alex- 

ander  White. 
THE     CID    CAMPEADOR.      By    H. 

Butler  Clarke. 
SALADIN.      By  Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
BISMARCK.     ByJ.  W.  Headlam. 
ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT.       By 

Benjamin   I.  Wheeler. 
CHARLEMAGNE.       By    H.    W.    C, 

Davis. 
OLIVER  CROMWELL.    By  Charles 

Firth. 
RICHELIEU.     By  James  B.  Perkins. 
DANIEL  OCONNELL.     By  Robert 

Dunlop. 
SAINT  LOUIS(LouisIX.,ofFra«ce). 

By  Frtderick  Perry. 
LORD    CHATHAM.         By    Walford 

Davis  Green. 


Other  volumes  in  preparation  are  : 


MOLTKE.     By  Spencer  Wilkinson. 

JUDAS  MACCABiEUS.  By  Israel 
Abrahams. 

HENRY  V.  By  Charles  L.  Kings- 
ford. 

SOBIESKI.     By  F.  A.  Pollard. 

ALFRED  THE  TRUTHTELLER. 
By  Frederick   Perry. 


FREDERICK  II.     By  A.  L.  Smith. 
MARLBOROUGH.       By    C.    W.    a 

Oman. 
RICHARD  THE  LION-HEARTED. 

By  T.  A.  Archer. 
WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.     By  Ruth 

Putnam. 
JUSTINIAN.     By  Edward  Jenks. 


1 1 

■i 

'•! 
•1 

i'ii 

I'*' 

;<' 

!•••• 

Ijfii 

m 


It:  It 


II 
It' 


.' 


i' 


^C3 


JUN  k'    1903 


» 


.»' 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SOMS,  Piiiu.iskkrs,  New  Vokk  and  Ixjndow. 


h^^ 


«¥ 


f 


'  tH 


